November 28, 2005

India in the British Commonwealth

The Problem of Diplomatic Representation, 1917-1947

(Ph.D. London, 1975)

By

J. L. Kember

(Posted with the kind permission of the author)

 

ABSTRACT

 

This thesis examines the ways in which a dependent India was brought into a system of external relations enjoyed by the Dominions, while that system was in the process of evolution. The subject is approached from the Commonwealth rather than Indian viewpoint in that the major concern is with the manner in which a Commonwealth pattern of diplomacy (intra-Commonwealth, as well as relations with foreign countries) was extended to fit India when that country had neither the same internal status nor the same historical background as the Dominions.  As such, it is mainly a study in governmental relations and the machinery for those contacts, though neither the unofficial view nor the work undertaken in those contacts is ignored,

Chapter I discusses the developing organisation of external affairs in the Dominions and, by contrast, in India, and then considers Commonwealth interest in establishing links with the Government of India. The constitutional limitations on dependent India’s external relations are highlighted in Chapter II when the Indian High Commission in London, and the attempts to persuade the Colonial office to permit representation in other dependent areas of the Commonwealth, are examined. The problems surrounding the welfare of Indians resident overseas, which are the motive for much of India’s early representation abroad, are also presented in these early chapters.  Chapter II concludes with a study of the unofficial (and primarily the Indian National Congress) views on foreign policy before 1947.

In Chapter III, the genesis of India’s international status is discussed, along with India’s representation at (largely) imperial conferences during the inter-war period. By contrast, Chapter IV treats the international aspect of the same period.

The more permanent side of India’s external experience, the overseas posts, is the subject of Chapters V and VI. The problems of Indians overseas gave rise to representation in other Commonwealth areas, while the Government of India’s desire for contact with neighbours and allies is evident in the contacts with China and the U.S.A.  Chapter VII brings the varying threads together in a study of the last years before independence, when major political events in India were being matched by profound international changes. On the one hand, there was the establishment of a new world organization (U.N.); on the other, the transition, through an interim government, from British-ruled to independent India.

 

 

CONCLUSION

 

Professor Mansergh wrote of Nehru’s complaint in 1936 that India’s membership of the League of Nations was a farce, “though certainly true … was not the whole truth”.[1] What that ‘whole truth’ was has been the subject of this thesis. As that remark implied, India’s involvement in international affairs had an ill-defined air about it, and was an experience which belonged between the realms of dependence and independence rather than to either one. The experience of international participation was peculiar to India, a great imperial member seeking freedom. Its international involvement became possible because of external considerations; the Dominions were also emerging into a new international status. After World War I, ‘Dominion status’ was not readily defined.

For about thirty years, the Government of India had control, in varying degree, of its foreign relations without having the final authority over foreign policy. While this marked an advance on the situation which obtained before 1917, the Government of India became vulnerable to the charge that its ‘in-between’ involvement in external relations was no better, or even worse, than what went before. The government’s critics could rightly argue that there was no substance behind its foreign relations, that a totally misleading impression was created by India’s membership of an imperial or international conference, or of the League of Nations – for behind the façade was the British Government. Yet, as Mansergh has said, the position was more complex than might first have appeared. The Government of India became steadily more responsive to the wishes of its subjects. Responsible ministries were created and a greater number of Indians involved in the legislative and executive business of government. British policy towards India, as towards other dependencies, was not simply to create a void on departure, but to promote the development of democratic institutions in the dependent country. Included in this educative policy was the attempt, albeit belated, to foster in Indians a sense of international involvement. The forms which this took, international and Commonwealth, permanent and ad hoc, official and unofficial, have already been described.

What significance did this experience have in laying the foundations for the independent Dominions of India and Pakistan? The architect of independent India’s foreign policy was Nehru who, until 1946, was unable to put policy into practice. Yet, as it has been seen, characteristics of the post-1947 policy appeared in the attitudes and activities of certain Indian representatives prior to independence. Not only (at the U.N. conference) at San Francisco, but earlier, at the League of Nations, representatives were demonstrating a line different from the British masters. League membership stimulated discussion and provided a forum for India to champion the causes of Asia in economic and social matters. In the minds of the nationalists, the value of early representation was slight; few questions of real interest to India were debated, and the one of greatest interest – the welfare of Indians overseas – could not be discussed in the League; nor was much satisfaction achieved at imperial meetings. On the other hand, independent India took over the foreign affairs machinery established under British rule: the central departments in India, and the embassies, high commissions and consulates throughout the world. The structure of external relationships was not overturned at independence.[2] Zafrullah Khan has spoken of the importance of giving Indians experience in external relations, and of the easier transition for independent India than for Pakistan which had to build its foreign machinery from almost nothing. K.P.S. Menon also referred to the value of early experience and the strategic, i.e. Commonwealth, positioning of posts abroad.[3]

As to the value of this experience as a policy, the most significant point is that certain administrators believed in the importance of developing a sense of foreign relations while British supervision remained possible. Whether that was the right policy was immaterial; the fact that they believed it conditioned their thinking and made it important. The options lay between strict constitutional interpretation and guided progress beyond that fixed position. Fraught with dangers, it was nevertheless a policy which was tried because of the coincidence of momentous events, internationally as well as for India, between 1917 and 1919. In the late 1950s, consideration was given to similar international experience being afforded to the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland after the Indian example. In rejecting the possibility, it was recognised that India’s experience was unique, made possible in an era of uncertain Dominion status. By the 1950s, that status was a set, not an evolving, principle.

The effect of India’s early international experience on the Commonwealth was slight. Not only were the Dominions inclined to ignore India (except in strategic terms) until the mid-1940s, but so too was there a lack of consultation between the Dominions Office and the India Office. India was a British problem, catered for in a particular department, and not ‘one of us’: so the Dominion view ran. In the search for status, India’s presence could be a hindrance, as it had been in the 1920s over the diplomatic standing of the High Commissioners in London. Yet India’s presence in the Empire forced Commonwealth  attention on Indian problems.  The Government of South Africa sought full governmental relations as a way of keeping an issue [discrimination against and bad treatment of South Africans of Indian extraction] dormant; but it failed and  … Indian representatives proved more than the Union government could cope with. Like Australia and Canada, South Africa entered direct relations with India, and pushed the British government a little into the background. Intra-Commonwealth relations were established, and problems were left to be resolved by the parties immediately involved. Whether this was merely British government avoidance of responsibility was certainly debatable, especially with regard to South Africa. But from an understanding of the views of men like Amery and Wavell, and certain Indian office officials, it is clear that there was a policy of encouraging direct relations to flourish rather than just an abdication of responsibilities. An experiment with numerous disadvantages, it was not a failure.

More research remains to be done: further studies in India’s relations with neighbouring countries, the establishment of the foreign services in the first five or six years of independence, and the effect of the pre-independent missions in Indian (not Commonwealth) terms. These will be possible in time, as material becomes available or in the last case, when fuller study can be undertaken in India of unofficial views. The most important avenue to be explored will be the links between pre- and post-independent India, the true influences of the former on the latter. There are surveys in abundance on independent India and Pakistan’s foreign relations, and when the records for 1946-1950 are open, the crucial transition years can be examined. This thesis has served to provide a fuller understanding of the pre-independent period. But ultimately, it is a study, not of the origins of independent India’s foreign policy, but of the system as it was; the significance of external relations for the government of the day. That government was the British Government of India, operating within and evolving imperial network to suit the prevailing needs in the thirty years before independence.

By the end of the Second World War, it was obvious that Britain was determined to transfer power. Preparations, both internally and externally, had been made since 1917. The Government of India had had external relations because of its imperial basis, because external advance was an adjunct to internal advance, and because it had the task of promoting an imperial outlook on foreign affairs. As independence came nearer, the latter task assumed greatest importance. When the British raj ceased to exist in August 1947, traditions, experience and machinery for external relations were transferred to the independent governments of India and Pakistan.

 



[1]  Mansergh, Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs: Problems of External Policy 1931-1939, p. 334.

[2] See Heimsath, Diplomatic History of Modern India, p. 3; cf. Mehrota India and the commonwealth, pp. 240-1; Nair, “The Administration of Foreign Affairs in India”, pp. 643-4.

[3] Interviews.