The Maccabees
What Really Happened
The Views of Some Leading Scholars
1. Lee I. Levine - Judaism and Hellenism in antiquity: conflict or confluence?
2. Helmut Koester - Introduction to the New Testament
3.
Elias J Bickerman, - The Jews in the
Greek Age
4. Jonathan A.
Goldstein - II Maccabees: A New
Translation with Introduction and Commentary
See also
Flavius Josephus,
Judaea and Rome: A Question of Context
1. From Lee I. Levine - Judaism and Hellenism in antiquity: conflict or confluence?, Hendrickson
Publishers, 1998. pp. 38-45
“What had been
of peripheral significance before Alexander became much more central after his
conquest; major changes in the Hellenistic period altered the face of the city
dramatically. The impact of Hellenism on the Near East in general, and on
Judaea and
“The piece de resistance of Judaean
Hellenization, and the most dramatic of all these developments, occurred in 175
B.C.E., when the high priest Jason
converted Jerusalem into a Greek polis replete with gymnasium and
ephebeion (2 Maccabees 4). Whether this step represents the culmination
of a 150-year process of Hellenization within
“A further
stage in the Hellenization process took place in the ensuing period. The
motivation of the Hasmonaean
revolt has often been misunderstood. It has been contended that this revolt
came in protest to the process of Hellenization in
“In the
subsequent Hasmonaean
period (141-63 B.C.E.), evidence of Hellenization within
2. From Helmut Koester - Introduction to the New
Testament, Fortress Press ;
“Insofar as it is
possible to reconstruct the course of events which led to the Maccabean revolt,
its beginnings appear in a controversy of the pro-Syrian and the pro-Egyptian
parties over the high-priestly office and control of the financial interests
and power of the temple. After the death of the high priest Simon (after 200
BCE), who belonged to the Zadokite family, his son Onias III became his successor.
But Onias leaned toward
“The turning
point was the expulsion of Jason,
who, though a member of the reform party, was still a legitimate Zadokite and
thus even for the conservatives a guarantor of the "laws of the
fathers." However, in 172 BCE, Menelaus, the brother of an officer of the
temple named Simon, took Jason's place. Apparently he was more suitable in the
eyes of the reformers, had the support of the Tobiads, and had offered the king
an even bigger sum of money than what Jason had paid for the high-priestly
office. Only now did the situation reach a crisis point. It became evident that
the office of the high priest must not be abused with impunity in the interests
of the leading aristocracy. More was at stake: the high priest was the
guarantor of religious law for all the people, and an illegitimate high priest
was a threat to the constitution of the whole commonwealth. As the resistance
of the people grew, Menelaus was barely able to hold on to his office. While he
was in
“In 169-168
Antiochus Epiphanes led two campaigns against
“Only at this time were the "laws of
the fathers" annulled, because they were useless as the constitution
of the Syrian-Greek citizenry of the katoikia Antioch-Jerusalem. The
political and religious reorganization was completed with the decrees of
Antiochus from the year 167, which legitimized the new cult and outlawed the
practice of the Jewish religion in
“But other Jews
chose to flee into the mountains of
“After four
years of war, in which the guerillas under Judas were repeatedly successful
(168-164 BCE), the Hellenized Jews of Jerusalem made a final attempt at reconciliation
and succeeded in persuading Antiochus to repeal the edicts against the Jewish
religion (the new decrees are preserved in 2 Macc 11:16-21, 27-32). Within a
specified period all those who fled because of the persecution were permitted
to return and their right to the free exercise of their religion was
guaranteed. But it was too late: shortly after the publication of these edicts,
Judas conquered
“Shortly
afterwards, Antiochus V was assassinated by his cousin, who became king as
Demetrius I Soter (162-150). Fortune now turned against Judas, because the new
king supported Alcimus against Judas, and the Hasidim in
“After several
years of peace (157-153), renewed fighting among the pretenders to the Syrian
throne opened another period of instability and war. Jonathan, and later his
brother Simon, were able to use the internal difficulties of the Syrian empire
to their advantage and, in spite of some setbacks, finally achieved their goal
of political independence. In 153 BCE Alexander Balas tried to gain the Syrian
throne. To defend himself against this pretender, King Demetrius I sought the
support of Jonathan and, in return, gave Jonathan permission to occupy
“In order to
achieve their goal of becoming the rulers of an independent country and to
bring all of
“…Simon, the last of the five sons of Mattathias, now made a treaty with Demetrius II against Trypho, in which Demetrius recognized Simon as independent ruler of Judea, gave freedom from taxation to the Jews, and permitted Simon to expel the Syrian garrison from the Acra in Jerusalem (142-141 BCE).
“This confirmed
Simon's de facto independence, which he now used to conquer
3. Elias J.Bickerman Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees, Schocken 1962
“At the end of
the year 167 B.C.E., approximately in December, by order of Antiochus IV
Epiphanes, King of Syria and so ruler of the Jews, the
“… in 166
“…(a) peasant …
oppressed by taxes, a debtor harried by his creditor … forsook house and land
and lived as wretched vagabonds, as is said of the Maccabees…. But the state
suffered a falling off in revenues as a result, and yielded more and more in
the course of time, until finally an amnesty was proclaimed. In the meanwhile,
however, agents of the government sought to lay hands upon the fugitives. In
166 B.C.E. a search was instituted in
“… Mattathias
and his people … resolved … at least to
defend themselves on the Sabbath day…. Even more significant is the fact that
Mattathias ventured to interpret the law upon his own authority. In his day
this privilege was vested in the High Priest and his council, who governed
“… as is clear from this account, the wrath of the Maccabees was poured over the Jews and not the heathen. The company of the Maccabees was an active minority-Daniel calls them "a little help"- that sought to restore its law to the people. This law was in no sense an innovation, but the revelation of Moses….
“Until the time of Alexander the Great each Oriental people constituted a disparate unit, clearly differentiated from the others. Even in such a situation cultures inevitably influenced one another: the Book of Proverbs in the Bible, for example, contains many thoughts and aphorisms borrowed from the Egyptian Wisdom Book of Amenemope. Under the domination of the Persians … a great common store of beliefs and ideas developed among the various peoples. But there was no common supranational civilization; a Jew remained a Jew, as an Egyptian remained an Egyptian.
“With the Greek
conquest of the East (330 B.C.E.), however, the situation changed. From its
beginnings Greek culture was supranational, because the Greeks never
constituted a unified state. In the East, Greek colonists lost their tribal
peculiarities so quickly that the innumerable Greek papyri of the period,
discovered in
“But Greek culture, like modem European culture, was based upon education. A man became a "Hellene" without at the same time forsaking his gods and his people, but merely by adopting Hellenic culture…. In Hellenistic Egypt the whole population was officially divided into two classes: the natives, called the "Egyptians," and the immigrants, called the "Hellenes," regardless of their origin.
“In its
tendency and in its claim, therefore, Hellenistic culture was universal. To it
belonged the mighty of the world and the world's dominion. It was vested with
the superiority that the judgment of war constantly reaffirmed. It was open to
all. Whether or not to accept this culture was therefore a question of life and
death for every people. The nations of the ancient world were confronted by the
same problem that confronts the Oriental peoples in the modern world from
“For Judaism,
then, the question of its historical existence or disappearance depended upon
its ability to accommodate itself to Western culture. But in the days of the
Maccabees, as in the period of Moses Mendelssohn, the law interposed a wall
between Jews and non-Jews. Nothing brings people closer together than a common
table. But his dietary laws forbade the Jew to taste the food of his non-Jewish
neighbor. There is no closer tie than the bond of matrimony. But the Jews told
with approval the story of a father who abandoned his own daughter in order to
free his brother from a passing attachment to a pagan dancing girl. To a man of
the Hellenistic age this "separation from the nations" could be
regarded as nothing else than the expression of a Jewish "hatred of
mankind." Favorably disposed critics have endeavored to explain the withdrawal
of the Jews from history as the consequence of the "bad experience of
their expulsion from
“To
"advanced" Jews, therefore, it seemed imperative to let these bars
fall "In those days," we read in I Maccabees, "came there forth
out of Israel lawless men, and persuaded many, saying, 'Let us go and make a
covenant with the nations that are round about us .... “In those days"
denotes the reign of the Syrian King Antiochus IV, surnamed Epiphanes (176-163
B.C.E.). The new King entrusted the position of High Priest at the Temple in
Jerusalem- and hence the rule over Judea-to men of that same
"advanced" party, first to a man who called himself by the Greek name
of Jason
(about 175-172 B.C.E.), then to Menelaus (172-162 B.C.E.). These Jewish
"Hellenists" promptly received royal approval for establishing a Greek
community in
“But the leaders of the party understood perfectly well that all this must remain merely a diversion of the upper classes as long as the Sanctuary remained inviolate and as long as the law enjoining "misanthropic" separation continued in force. Like the Emancipation of the nineteenth century, that of the second century B.C.E. must have necessarily led to religious "reform." But nineteenth-century Emancipation could in the end escape this necessity, for Occidental civilization as a whole had … become secularized.
“All of ancient
life was carried on within the framework of cult acts whose execution did not
entail complete belief. No gymnasium could be without the images of such patron
gods of athletics as Heracles and without honorific statues of the kings. Every
public act was invariably accompanied by sacrifice and invariably involved
prayer. To accept Western culture fully, therefore, there appeared no other
alternatives than either to renounce the ancestral religion, to which any
participation in the cult of the gods was an abomination, or to transform the
ancient law. Many Jews of antiquity chose the first course. Among them, for
example, was Tiberius Julius Alexander, nephew of the Jewish philosopher, Philo,
of
“Jason and Menelaus, in the reign of Epiphanes, wished to follow the other course; they desired to accommodate traditional Judaism to the times. Their intention was to preserve those characteristics of the Jewish religion which suited Greek taste-the imageless God, for example-but to remove everything which smacked of separation, of the "ghetto": Sabbath observance, beards, circumcision, and that namelessness of God which was otherwise to be met with only among the most primitive peoples.
“Henceforth the
Lord on
“After December
of 167 B.C.E. sacrifices on
“At the same time the High Priest Menelaus procured a decree from the King prohibiting the Mosaic law and ordering the introduction of pagan customs. Such a measure was in complete accord with the thought of the Greek social reformers, who, since Plato, had always regarded the lawgiver as the creator of social life. According to the historical principles basic to Greek thought, Jewish law was the invention of Moses, enjoined by him upon his followers. If Menelaus now wished to impose his own law upon the people, his conduct could not be regarded as improper. It was these measures that passed into the consciousness of contemporaries and posterity as the "persecutions of Epiphanes." With them the history of the Maccabees begins.
“Mattathias'
following knew nothing of "historical necessity" and probably very
little about the ideas of the reformers. The one thing plain to them was the
fact of persecution: the
“For two years Judah waged guerrilla war like his father, making surprise descents upon the apostates without venturing to attack any walled cities or the tyrant's stronghold in Jerusalem….
“At first the
central government paid no attention … to the Maccabean uprising. It must be
remembered that the Seleucid empire extended from
“… the reform
party made no attempt at mustering its strength to put an end … to … the
marauders. Their failure is easy to understand if we reflect that they belonged
to the upper strata of the people, being city dwellers and Jerusalemites, and
did not particularly relish chasing after the Maccabees through gorges and over
stony hills. The mass of the peasantry, on the other hand, remained secretly
devoted to the old faith.
“…
“The success of
“It was now, in
the fall of 165, that
“And so
Epiphanes resolved to call a halt to the persecutions. In a proclamation to the
Sanhedrin and the Jewish nation, he declared that he had been informed by
Menelaus that the Jews who had fled from their homes-that is, those loyal to
the ancient faith, amongst whom were the Maccabees-desired to return to their
legal abodes. Exemption from punishment was guaranteed all who returned by
“… At the end
of 164, about the beginning of December, he again assembled "the entire
host" and made a sudden descent upon
“The first act
of the conqueror was the purification of the
“By instituting
this festival
“… Lysias found
it necessary to withdraw in great haste, and so quickly made a peace with the
beleaguered
“Formally
considered, the “peace” amounts on the one hand to a capitulation on the part
of
“A year earlier
the government had consented to tolerate the Jewish religion; now the dominion
of the Torah was fully restored. According to the decree of 163, those Jews
who wished to do so might give obedience to the Jewish law. The new decree of
162 again obliged the entire people to observe this law. This marked the
consummation of the victory of orthodox Judaism. For centuries thereafter the
Jews celebrated the recurrence of this day (Shevat 28) "upon which King
Antiochus withdrew from
“The consequences of the peace of 162 were twofold. For one thing, it marked the end of the reform party. Its chief, the former High Priest Menelaus, was executed upon the King's orders, "for that he was the cause of all the evil in that he persuaded Epiphanes to abolish the ancestral constitution of the Jews." This was the ground on which the verdict was based. The remaining partisans of reform, who continued to find refuge in the Acra, had in the meanwhile lost all touch with Judaism. The reformers had now become apostates.
“On the other
hand, the task of the Maccabees also seemed to have been completed. The
government had deserted the reform party, traditional Judaism had been
recognized as alone valid, and the conditions which had obtained before the
promulgation of Epiphanes' measures were thus restored. The rebellion of the
Jews now seemed pointless and at an end….
“At first
“This time the
cleavage in the Jewish people was quite different from that in the days of
Epiphanes. The struggle no longer concerned the validity of the Torah but
whether or not Alcimus was justified in functioning as High Priest…. The former
friends of the Maccabees were now transformed into enemies,
"apostates." ….
“… It may be argued that the Roman alliance,
which was
“… an inexcusable blunder on the part of the central
government had left Jewry at this juncture with no legitimate prince. After the
death of Alcimus in the spring of 159, no successor had been named. There was
only one man who commanded sufficient authority among the Jews to muster an
army for Demetrius I. This was
“Jonathan
naturally used the opportunity first to secure his own position-he occupied
“
“…
“… John
Hyrcanus became a Hellenistic prince like his contemporaries and
rivals, Zeno Cotylas in Rabbath Ammon (modem
“With these
mercenaries, supplemented, of course, by native levies, Hyrcanus succeeded
within twenty five years in raising Judea to the position of the most
significant military power in
“… On the basis
of an ingenious combination Greek scholarship had contrived a connection
between the Jews and the Spartans. This was known as early as about 170 B.C.E.
When Jason, the leader of the reform party, was ousted by Menelaus, he fled to
“But as soon as
the Maccabee Jonathan, who had so unexpectedly risen to be High Priest and
chief of Jewry, was firmly in the saddle, he sent an embassy to
“… Here the
character and significance of Maccabean Hellenism is plainly revealed. The
reform party wished to assimilate the Torah to Hellenism; the Maccabees wished
to incorporate Hellenic culture in the Torah…. This accommodation of new
elements to the Bible, this consideration for native tradition, characterizes
the Hellenization carried through under the Maccabees, and differentiates it
from the rationalistic assimilation which had been the aim of the reform party.
Let us consider, for example, the decree of 140 B.C.E.,by which the people
invested Simon with the rulership. The document is thoroughly Hellenistic in
character. It must have been drafted in Greek. In any case, the form is
altogether that of a Greek honorary decree, utterly impossible in Hebrew. A
long-winded and awkward period sets forth the reasons for the decree, and the
decree itself is then expressed in an appended sentence. The very notion of
drawing up a document to establish a constitution is purely Greek; the Bible
provides no pattern for this. According to Hebrew models one would expect a
general obligation of the people to Simon by means of an oath. But in this very
document, which prohibits the wearing of purple or of the gold brooch which are
the insignia of Hellenistic royalty, which offers Simon the rule out of
gratitude for his deeds and in which he accepts it, a sharp distinction is
nevertheless drawn between the privileged priesthood and the people; and rule
is secured to Simon with the limitation, "until a faithful prophet shall
arise." Only a divine revelation, not an assembly of the people, could
proclaim eternal law for
“... In
antiquity as today, a proper legal title was sought for every conquest. Greek
opinion held that the original legitimate owners of a territory might maintain
a permanent claim upon it if it had been wrested from them by force. Thus the
opponents of the Maccabees in the Greek cities of
“The accommodation of Hellenistic civilization to the Torah, begun by the Maccabees and carried forward under their rule, gave Judaism the form that it was to have for centuries and that, in part, prevailed until the Emancipation. Judaism of the post-Maccabean period is Pharisaic. But Pharisaism, which is fust mentioned in the period of John Hyrcanus, who was a disciple of the Pharisees, is in part characterized precisely by the introduction of certain leading ideas of the Hellenistic period into the world of the Torah.
“The Pharisees
… (and) The Essenes, another sect, who seem to have introduced something of the
ideas and the forms of life of Greek Pythagoreanism into Judaism, desired to be
"holy"…. But the Essenes sought
to realize their goal for themselves alone, for the members of their own order;
the Pharisees, on the other hand, wished to embrace the whole people, and in
particular through education. It was their desire and intention that everyone
in
“All of this is
alien to biblical
“But this is a
Hellenic, one might say, a Platonic notion, that education could so transform
the individual and the entire people that the nation would be capable of
fulfilling the divine task set it. Hellenism introduces the first epoch of
general popular education in the Occident. The Hellenes and the Grecized
Orientals assembled in the gymnasia that were everywhere to be found and that
served at once as athletic fields, schools, and clubs. In late Hellenistic
Alexandria, as in the Greek community of the reform party in
“The Pharisees adopted these ideas and tendencies of the Hellenistic world, in that they associated the public sermons that had been customary since the time of Ezra with the teaching of the Torah. But it was not their ideal to fashion a Greek kalos kai agathos, or "gentleman," but to fulfil the precept which introduces the revelation on Sinai: "Ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation."
“To become a holy nation, indeed, was a goal common to all the Jews. But the Pharisees differed from the others by seeking its achievement through education and by not limiting this education to the Torah of Moses; they added many precepts wanting in the Torah, as, for example, the rule of washing the hands before meat. Any law written down naturally needs to be added to, and affords room for interpretation. One sect of Judaism in the Maccabean period, the Sadducees, wished to limit the laws to those expressly contained in the Torah. If something was neither prescribed nor forbidden in the Torah, they did not wish to make it so. Their principle was: "Only what is written is authoritative." But the Pharisaic idea of education promoted the tendency to develop the Torah as time and circumstance demanded. As the source for such development, the Pharisees looked to tradition, or, as they later termed it, the "oral" law, which they set on a footing with the written Torah. This singular notion of setting traditional usage or halakhah alongside the written law is again Greek. It is the concept of the "unwritten law" (agraphos nomos), which is preserved not on stone or paper but lives and moves in the actions of the people. But whereas in the Greek world this notion often served to negate the written law, Pharisaism used the oral law to "make a fence for the Torah."
“In this way Maccabean HeIIenism succeeded in parrying spiritual movements which might otherwise have destroyed traditional Judaism. For example, the Hellenistic world surrounding Judaism was caught up by a new revelation that solved the problem of evil on earth: retribution would come after death, when the wicked would be punished and the righteous rewarded and awakened to new life. Such notions are alien to the Bible, indeed in contradiction to it, for the Torah promises reward and punishment in this life. Hence the Sadducees rejected the new doctrine and ridiculed the Pharisaic teaching of resurrection. If they had been the only authoritative representatives of Judaism, Judaism would either have lagged behind the times and grown rigid, as was the case with the Samaritans, who also rejected the new belief, or the course of history would have submerged Judaism and undermined the Torah. The Pharisees, on the other hand, adopted the Hellenistic doctrine of resurrection, but subsumed it under the principles of the Torah. What to the pagans was an event dictated more or less by necessity, appears among the Jews as the working of the free will of God. According to the account of Flavius Josephus, the Pharisaic doctrine of the future life derives from the Greek teaching of the Pythagoreans. But among the Pythagoreans each soul must automatically return to new life after death, each according to its merit. For this fateful and continually operative necessity, the Pharisees substituted the single event of the Last Judgment, whose day and scope God would determine, and so dovetailed the new Hellenistic idea into the structure of biblical ideas. In its new form the adopted doctrine of resurrection developed into a characteristic element of Jewish belief; it became, with biblical monotheism, its central doctrine.”
4. From Jonathan A. Goldstein - II Maccabees: A New
Translation with Introduction and Commentary by, Anchor Bible. 41A,
Doubleday 1983
Goldstein devotes pp. 84-112 to arguing
the vase for his reconstruction of events as contrasted with those of
Tcherikover[4] and Bickerman
WHAT REALLY
HAPPENED:
CHRONOLOGICAL
TABLE[5]
Though the authors of both books of Maccabees[6] believed they were writing truth, both made mistakes, took literary license, and passed over embarrassing facts in silence. The reader of only a translation and commentary might find it hard to determine the outline of the true course of events…. Events which are given no dates probably occurred between the nearest dated events above and below them in the table. …
Dates |
Events |
Sources |
332
B.C.E. |
·
Alexander the Great’s invasion puts an end to the Persian ·
|
|
323
B.C.E. |
·
Alexander the Great dies. ·
His generals struggle for control of his empire with frequent clashes
in the coastal region of ·
Hellenistic cities founded, over the next century, in |
|
By
301 B.C.E. |
·
Ptolemy I, based in ·
Seleucus controls ·
Status of Judea (Persian Yehud)
as a self-contained unit with its center in |
|
C.
200 B.C.E. |
The
Selucid king Antiochus III, with Jewish support, wrests control of |
|
From 189 B.C.E. or
188 to 177 B.C.E. |
Antiochus (the future Antiochus IV)
serves as hostage in |
Stephen V. Tracy, "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora: Fifth to
Third Centuries B.C.," Hesperia 51 (1982), 61-62 |
July 187 B.C.E. [7] |
Seleucus
IV[8]
reigns over the Seleucid empire and sends his son to take
the place of Antiochus as hostage in |
|
The
royal minister Heliodorus
comes to confiscate money on deposit in the temple in |
||
The
high priest Onias
III, under political pressure from opponents, goes to |
||
September 3, 1751 |
September Seleucus IV dies or is murdered.[9] |
|
Later in 175[10]
|
Antiochus IV, brother of Seleucus IV, seizes power over Seleucid empire. |
|
In an effort to strengthen the Seleucid Empire by copying
institutions and ideas he had learned at |
||
Later in 175 B.C.E. or
early in 174 B.C.E.[12] |
·
Jason, brother of Onias III, purchases the favor of
Antiochus by offering him increased revenue and by bidding high for the
privilege of being the founder of the Antiochene community at ·
Antiochus appoints Jason high
priest in place of Onias
and allows Jason to found an Antiochene citizen-community at |
|
Before Jason's
replacement as high priest by Menelaus[14] |
· Young Ptolemy VI celebrates his Protoklisia. Apollonius son of Menestheus, representing Antiochus IV at the celebration, discovers that the Ptolemaic empire is plotting a war against the Seleucid realm. ·
On receiving this information,
Antiochus takes defensive measures in the direction of the Ptolemaic border.
At the end of these maneuvers, he passes through Joppe and then goes to |
|
172 B.C.E.,
probably after September 20[15]
|
Menelaus offers Antiochus IV still more revenue and thus wins appointment as high priest in place of Jason. Jason takes refuge in the Ammanitis. |
|
· Unable to produce the promised revenue, Menelaus in his trouble uses temple vessels to bribe a royal minister, Andronikos, while Antiochus IV is away from the capital. Onias III from the sacred place of asylum at Daphne reproaches Menelaus. |
||
After 1 Tishri
(September 28),170 B.C.E.[16]
|
Andronikos entices Onias to leave his place of asylum and kills him. On returning to the capital, Antiochus, indignant, executes Andronikos. |
|
· Depredations of temple property by Menelaus and his brother Lysimachus rouse the wrath of pious Jews. · A bloody riot ensues. · Members of the Jewish Council of Elders press charges against Menelaus, but again by bribing a royal official Menelaus escapes punishment. |
||
November, 170 B.C.E. -summer,
169
B.C.E. |
Antiochus
IV vigorously repels Ptolemaic aggression, invades |
|
Late summer or
early autumn, 169 B.C.E.[17] |
·
Jason and his followers, upon a
false rumor of Antiochus' death, try to capture · Pious Jews rise against both Jason and Menelaus. · Antiochus regards all but Menelaus' faction as rebels, punishes the city, plunders the temple, and attempts to reestablish order, confirming Menelaus in power over the Jews.[18] |
|
July,168 B.C.E.[19] |
Antiochus IV, almost successful in his
second attempt to conquer |
Book of Daniel 11:29-30 |
February or March,
167
B.C.E.[21] |
Antiochus
IV, in response to complaints of Antiochenes of Jerusalem, sends a punitive
expedition under Apollonius the Mysarch. Pious Jews of Jerusalem are
massacred. Privileges of |
|
Nisan (between
April 1and April 29), 167[22] B.C.E. |
Antiochus IV decrees that on penalty of lion death the turbulent Jews, including all those in Judaea, must cease observing the Torah and follow an imposed polytheistic cult, said to be a "purified Judaism, "free of the tendencies which had turned the Jews into "rebels." |
|
Enforcement of the decrees is at first probably sporadic, as even Antiochene Jews fear to anger their God,[23] though some Jews obey the king. Royal officials begin to persecute pious Jews. |
||
15 Kislev (December
6), 167 B.C.E. |
Antiochus IV takes drastic measures to enforce the imposed cult. "Abomination of Desolation,[24]" a framework containing three he meteorites representing the three gods of the imposed cult, is placed upon the sacrificial altar of the temple. |
|
25 Kislev (December
16), 167 B.C.E. |
· An Athenian expert helps direct the practices of the imposed cult. The practices in the temple include monthly sacrifices on the twenty-fifth[25] and violation of the laws of ritual purity. ·
Outside the temple, too, force
is exerted throughout · The Samaritans petition successfully to be exempted from the decrees,[26] but many pious Jews suffer martyrdom. · Cities of the Antiochene republic rigorously compel their Jews to follow the imposed cult.[27] |
|
Very late 167 B.C.E.
or sometime in 166 B.C.E. |
· Mattathias' zeal leads him to rebel against a king who forces Jews to violate the Torah. · He and his family, the Hasmonaeans,[28] attract followers and wage guerrilla warfare against the royal government and against Jews who violated the Torah. · Some Pietist Jews[29] still believe that God forbids violent rebelIion and trust, in vain, the prophecies that God will protect Sabbath observers. Believing that God forbade them to flee or defend themselves on the Sabbath, they are massacred by royal troops. · Mattathias decided that God must have intended to permit Jews to defend themselves on the Sabbath. Many Pietists agree and join forces with the Hasmonaean party. |
|
Between
April 20,
166 B.C.E., and April
4, 165 |
Mattathias
dies. Judas takes command. |
|
Judas' force defeats
expeditions of Apollonius and Seron. |
||
Philip,
royal commander at |
||
165 B.C.E.,
probably between
May 20
and June 18 |
·
Antiochus IV marches off with half the royal army to tax
(and loot) the eastern regions claimed by the Seleucids. · He appoints his little son Antiochus coregent king over the western part of the empire, with Lysias as his guardian and as chief minister over that same area. Lysias receives half the royal army, with the task of maintaining order in the western part of the empire. |
Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, ed. by F. Jacoby, 260, F 32 |
The
governor of Coele-Syria and |
||
24 Ab on defective calendar
(July 29), 165 B.C.E. |
Jews return to open observance
of the Torah. |
Megillat Ta'anit
24 Ab |
Some months later, surely not
long before March, 164[32] B.C.E. |
·
Lysias himself undertakes to stop the Jewish rebels. After
careful reparation, he approaches ·
Non-Hasmonaean pious Jews try to negotiate with Lysias in ·
Menelaus similarly appeals to the royal government at |
|
Roman ambassadors in a letter to
the Jews offer to support the Jewish case before the coregent king, at |
||
15
Xanthicus (March
12), 164 B.C.E. |
A letter in the name of the coregent offers Jews an end to the imposed cult, permission to observe the Torah, and amnesty, if they will cease fighting and return to their homes by 30 Xanthikos (March 27). |
|
28 Adar (March 25), 164 B.C.E. |
The majority of Jews accept
the coregent's offer by this date and observe it annually as the anniversary
of the end of the persecution. The Hasmonaean party ignored the coregent's
offer, to judge by the failure of our author to mention it. |
Megillat Ta'anit 28 Adar; contrast I
Maccabees 4:35 |
March
25 - October 13, 164 B.C.E. |
Pious Jews wait through the festivals of Tabernacles and the Eighth Day of Solemn Assembly for prophesied miracles to occur- in vain.[34] |
|
1 Tishri on defective calendar[35]
(July 25), 164 B.C.E. |
Sabbatical
year begins, according to the defective calendar. Pious Jews dare to deny
the high priest Menelaus the right to control the temple.[36]
Pious priests purify the temple and destroy the Abomination of Desolation.29 |
Book of Daniel
11:24 (end) |
Tishri- MarHeshvan on
defective calendar (between July 25 and September 18) 29 |
Jews build and prepare a new
sacrificial altar and temple vessels |
|
23 MarHeshvan on defective
calendar (September 14), 16429 B.C.E. |
Judas' men remove from the
temple court the illicit lattice. |
Megillat Ta'anit 23 MarHeshvan |
27 MarHeshvan on defective
calendar (September 18), 16429 B.C.E. |
Jewish priests resume sacrifice of meal offerings in the temple, upon the new altar. |
Megillat Ta'anit, 27 MarHeshvan |
3 Kislev on defective calendar
(September 24), 16429 B.C.E. |
Jews destroy the idols which
stood by private dwellings in |
Megillat Ta'anit, 3 Kislev |
25 Kislev on defective
calendar=25 Tishri on fully intercalated calendar (October 16), 16429 B.C.E. |
Judas, following biblical
precedents, prolongs the doubtful festival
of Tabernacles for a celebration of the dedication of the new sacrificial
altar along with the new candelabrum, incense altar, and table. The dedication occurs on 25
Kislev, with the celebration continuing
for a total of eight days. 29 |
|
Late 164 or 163 B.C.E. |
The Jews decide to make the
eight-day celebration an annual observance, at first under the name
"Festival of Tabernacles in the month of Kislev," later under the
name "Days of Dedication (Hanukkah)." |
|
November or early December,
164[37] B.C.E. |
Antiochus IV dies in the
course of his campaign in |
cf. II
Maccabees 9 |
From
soon after Feast of Dedication (Hanukkah) (perhaps before the death of
Antiochus IV), 164, to sometime in April 163[38] B.C.E. |
The Jews under the leadership of
Judas and his brothers Simon and Jonathan win victories over hostile
neighboring peoples and Seleucid officials. The insubordinate Jewish
commanders, Joseph and Azariah suffer a bloody defeat at Jamnia. |
|
Late 164 or early 163 |
Judas sees to it that the
temple mount and Beth-Zur are fortified. |
|
Late 164 or early 163 B.C.E. |
News
of Antiochus IV's death reaches |
|
February 8, 163 B.C.E. |
Jews at Jerusalem, 1,150 days
after the desecration of 25 Kislev,
167, receive a copy of a letter from Antiochus V announcing
the death of Antiochus IV and restoring the temple to the Jews and
thus "vindicating the Holy."[40] |
|
Probably
early 163 B.C.E. |
Ptolemy Makron, a high courtier under Antiochus V, advocates a just policy toward the Jews but faIls from favor and commits suicide. |
|
Just
after Pentecost on the defective calendar (late April or May), 163[41] B.C.E. |
Judas conducts successful
campaign against Idumaea and Azotus |
|
Late spring, 163[42] B.C.E. |
Judas assembles a Jewish army
and besieges the Akra. |
|
By June 28, 163[43] B.C.E. |
Antiochus V and Lysias march
on |
|
Some weeks after the battle of
Beth-Zechariah |
The Seleucid besiegers allow
the Jews in Beth-Zur, hard-pressed by siege and by the food shortage of a sabbatical year, to
make peace and withdraw. Beth-Zur is
garrisoned by Seleucid troops. |
|
Jews besieged in the temple are similarly hard-pressed. The seer in Dan 12:7 predicts they will be crushed.[44] |
||
1
Tishri on the defective calendar (August 12),
163, 1,335 days after the desecration of 25
Kislev, 167[45] B.C.E. |
The sabbatical year ends and
the date goes by for the miraculous consummation of history predicted by the
seer in Daniel. |
|
Sometime
in the course of the campaign of Antiochus V and Lysias[46] |
Antiochus
V deposes Menelaus from the high priesthood and sends him to Beroea in |
|
After the deposition of
Menelaus and no later than the peace
of AntiochusV (January 5 or |
Antiochus V appoints the pious
Alcimus as the new high priest, thus winning some pious Jews away from the
rebellion. The neglected Oniad heir to the high priesthood then or soon after
leaves Judaea for Ptolemaic Egypt, where some years later he establishes a Jewish
temple of Leontopolis. |
|
28
Shebat, 162 B.C.E. (January 5, if by the defective calendar,or March 5,
if by the fully intercalated calendar)[47] |
Lysias and Antiochus V
withdraw with their army from |
|
Early
autumn, 162 B.C.E. |
Demetrius, son of Seleucus IV,
having escaped from |
|
Shortly
afterward |
Demetrius I confirms Alcimus
as high priest and in response to a petition presented by him sends Bacchides
with an army to |
|
Judas leads violent opposition
in countryside of |
||
After an indecisive skirmish
at |
||
Faced with the prospect of
being arrested by Nicanor's
troops, the pious elder of |
||
13
Adar (March 8), 161[49]B.C.E. |
Judas' army routs Nicanor's
force in the battle of Adasa. Villagers of |
|
From
sometime after March
10 probably
to sometime before November
11, 161[50] B.C.E. |
The national organs of the
Jews, with the agreement of the Hasmonaean party, send an embassy to |
|
Demetrius I sends a punitive
expedition under Bacchides against the Jewish rebels. The troops massacre
Jews at Messaloth-in-Arbela in |
||
Nisan
(April 13-May 11), 160 B.C.E. |
Bacchides' army reaches |
|
Shortly
thereafter |
Bacchides crushingly defeats
the demoralized and shrunken Hasmonaean force at Elasa. Judas, brave to the
end, falls. The surviving Hasmonaeans probably agree to cease resisting in
return for the rights to take up and bury the dead and to go home in peace. |
|
October,
152, to early winter, 143 |
Jonathan
is high priest of the Jews. |
|
Late
November or early December, 143 B.C.E. |
Jewish authorities of |
|
From
before late 142 B.C.E. to ca. February,
134 B.C.E. |
Simon
is high priest of the Jews. |
|
February,
134 to 104 B.C.E. |
John
Hyrcanus reigns as prince and high priest of the Jews. |
Flavius
Josephus Antiquities of the Jews xx 10.3.240 |
November
or early December, 124 B.C.E. |
Jewish authorities of |
|
103
to 76 B.C.E. |
Alexander
Jannaeus reigns as high priest and king of the Jews. For part of his
reign he he relinquishes the title "king."[51] |
Flavius
Josephus Antiquities of the Jews xx 10.3-4.241-42 and coins |
Probably
November or early December,
103 B.C.E. |
An Egyptian Jew opposed to the
Oniad
temple of Leontopolis forges and publishes a a letter from the Jews of
Jerusalem and |
|
In
the reign of Alexander Jannaeus, while he renounced
the title
of king, and before 90[52] B.C.E. |
First Maccabees is written and published as propaganda to justify the dynastic claims of Alexander Jannaeus. |
|
Shortly thereafter[53] |
Jason of Cyrene publishes his
history as a refutation of the dynastic propaganda, while respecting Judas
Maccabaeus. |
|
By
ca. 76[54] B.C.E. |
The abridged history is
published and Epistles 1 and 2 are attached to it. |
|
[1]
[2] The
lines of argument regarding the extent of Hellenistic influence in
pre-Hasmonean
[3] BAAL-SHAMEM – “The title 'Lord of Heavens', used for the
various supreme gods in Syro-Palestine, Anatolia and Mesopotamia during the 2nd
millennium BCE, later became the name of a specific deity venerated throughout
the Semitic world from the 1st millennium BCE until the first four centuries of
the Christian era…. both his character and appearance have been subject to
change. In the beginning, he-is a sort-of high-ranked weather god, therefore a
god of farmers and city dwellers alike. Later on, he develops many more solar
features in accordance with a general kind of 'solarisation' W. Röllig in van der Toorn,
Karel (editor), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, 1999
[4] Tcherikover, Victor, Hellenistic civilization and the Jews ;
translated by
[5] Table Developed from - II Maccabees: A New
Translation with Introduction and Commentary by Jonathan A. Goldstein,
Anchor Bible. 41A, Doubleday 1983
[6] “MACCABEES, FIRST BOOK OF (I Maccabees), a historical
work extant in Greek, covering the period of 40 years from the accession of
Antiochus Epiphanes (175 B.C.E.) to the death of Simeon the Hasmonean (135
B.C.E.). …The original Hebrew name of the book is unknown. According to Origin
it was "Sarbeth Sabaniel." Different hypotheses have been suggested
to explain these words, which should perhaps read: …Sefer Beit Sarevanei E),
the words Sarevanei El ("who strive for God") being a
translation into contemporary (mishnaic) Hebrew of Jehoiarib, the name of the
priestly order (see I Chron. 24:7; Neh. 12:6, 19) to which the Hasmonean
family belonged. In support of this conjecture is the fact that in later times,
after the glamor of the Hasmonean dynasty had become tarnished, the name
Jehoiarib is found translated by the above word in its Aramaic form … mesarevei;
(TJ, Ta'an. 4:8, 68d) though it is there used in a pejorative sense as
"rebellious," "fractious."
“I Maccabees is the main,
and at times the only historical source for the period. The book opens with the
conquest of Alexander the Great, but immediately after this relates the
activities of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Jewish Hellenizers (whom the author
calls "the sons of Belial"—the reprobates) and summarily reviews the
causes of the Hasmonean rebellion. From this point on it gives a more detailed
account of the events of Mattathias' revolt, through the rededication of the
… The writer achieves a
high degree of objectivity. He even refrains from censuring the Hassideans who
opposed the Hasmoneans, though it is clear where his sympathies lie since he
regards the Hasmoneans as chosen by
“MACCABEES, SECOND BOOK OF (II Maccabees) … is an
abridgment of a larger work of five books written by a Jason
of Cyrene who is otherwise unknown .... Unlike I Maccabees which was
written in Hebrew, the original language of this book was Greek; and unlike the
former, which begins with an account of the revolt of Mattathias and tells of
the wars of his sons the Hasmoneans up to the days of John Hyrcanus, this book
deals solely with the deeds of Judah Maccabee, and only until his victory over
Nicanor on 13 Adar II, 164 B.C.E. ("Nicanor Day"). However,
the main account is prefaced by a lengthy introduction on the actions of the
Hellenizers, Simeon of the priestly division of Minyamin (Bilgah), who wanted
to be the agoranomos (the market overseer) in Jerusalem, and Jason the
brother of the high priest Onias, and Menelaus the brother of Simeon, both of
whom wanted to be high priests. Their acts of plunder and bribing the king
caused the people to rise against them, but their contacts with kings led to
the intervention of the Syrian king Antiochus IV Epiphanes and to the religious
persecutions which were in fact the direct cause of the Maccabean revolt.
“The events related
subsequently are in general similar to those in I Maccabees, although the two
books are independent of each other….
“The main part of the book
commences with 2:19, at a time when Onias (III) was high priest, Seleucus ruled
in
“…, the book is full of
various stories of miraculous events, of the intervention of heavenly
creatures, directly (by angels) and indirectly (by signs in heaven and on earth
presaging evil).
The purpose of the book is
religious propaganda, the basic idea being that the sin of the nation is the
cause of the divine punishment ("For it is not a light thing to do
wickedly against the laws of God: but the time following shall declare these
things"; 4:17). Yet the suffering that comes upon
Yehoshua M. Grintz, Encyclopedia Judaica
[7] Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology, p. 23.
[8] “SELEUCUS IV PHILOPATOR, Seleucid monarch 187–176
B.C.E.), son of Antiochus II the Great. Following the crushing defeat by the
Romans at Magnesia (190), the Seleucid Empire found itself in extreme financial
difficulties, and these were to have a direct effect in altering the friendly
relations cultivated by Antiochus III with the Jews of Palestine. In an attempt
to raise funds for the Seleucid treasury, Seleucus dispatched his minister
Heliodorus to
Isaiah Gafni, Encyclopedia Judaica
[9] See NOTE on 4:7.
[10] See NOTE on 4:7-38.
[11] AB vol. 41, pp. 104-21.
[12] See NOTE on 4:7-38.
[13] See AB vol. 41, pp. 111-21.
[14] See NOTE on 4:7-38.
[15] Ibid.
[16] See NOTE on 4:34.
[17] See AB vol. 41, p. 207.
[18] See NOTE on 5:5-16.
[19] See Morkholm, pp. 93-94.
[20] See pp. 91-94.
[21] See my article in PAAJR 46-47 (1979-80), esp. pp. 179-85.
[22] See pp. 89-90.
[23] See AB vol. 41, pp. 158-59.
[24] “ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION, literal translation of
the Greek … (I Macc. 1:54). This in turn, evidently goes back to a Hebrew or Aramaic expression similar to shiqqutz shomen (“desolate,” i.e., horrified-for “horrifying”-“abomination” Dan. 12:11). Similar, but grammatically difficult, are ha-shiqqutz meshomem “a horrifying abomination” (disregard the Hebrew definite article ibid., 11:31). shiqqutzim meshomem “a horrifying abomination” disregarding the ending of the noun ? (ibid., 9:27), and ha-peshai shomem “the horrifving offense” (ibid. , 8:13). According to the Maccabees passage, it was something which was constructed (a form of the verb oIkodomew) on the altar (of the Jerusalem sanctuary), at the
command of Antiochus IV Epiphanes, on the 15th day of Kislev (i.e., some
time in December) of the year 167 B.C.E., according to the Daniel passages, it
was something that was set (a form of ntn) there. It was therefore
evidently a divine sym bol of some sort (statue or betyl (sacred stone)), and
its designation in Daniel and Maccabees would then seem to be a deliberate
cacophemism for its official designation. According to II Maccabees 6:2,
Antiochus ordered that the
Harold Louis Ginsberg, Encyclopedia Judaica
[25] The first act
of idolatry in the temple probably coincided with the first of these
monthly sacrifices, on 25 Kislev (December 16), 167. See AB vol. 41, NOTE on
1:54-59
[26] See Appendix VIII.
[27] See NOTE on 6:8-9.
[28] See AB vol. 41, pp. 17-19.
[29]
HASSIDEANS (Assideans; Greek form of Hebrew Hasidim;
"pious ones"), religious group or sect which originated in about the
third or fourth century B.C.E. It centered around the revival and promotion of
Jewish rites, study of the Law, and the uprooting of paganism from the land.
The date of origin cannot be known with certainty. The Hassideans are first
mentioned by name during the persecutions of Antiochus IV (Ephiphanes), king of
Certain references to the Hasidim are
found in the Psalms (12:2, 30:5, 31:24, 38:28, et al.), but it is doubtful that
these accounts refer to the Hassideans. The passages speak of the efforts of
the Hassideans to observe the Law, their persecutions by their adversaries, and
their struggles against their enemies. References to Hasidim in
the Mishnah and the Talmud (Ber. 5:1, Hag. 2:7, Sot. 3:4, Avot 5:10 and
Nid. 17a) may refer to the Hassideans or merely to pious individuals of a later
period. The Talmud refers to the strict observance of the commandments by Hasidim, to
their ardent prayers, which they would not renounce even at the risk of their
lives, and to their rigid observance of the Sabbath. Because of their
meticulous observances the Hassideans have been linked with the Essenes, but
scholarly consensus places them as the spiritual forerunners of the Pharisees.
Menahem Mansoor,
Encyclopediaa Judaica
[30] There is a possibility that Philip's appeal came
after the next event in our table, Antiochus IV's march eastward. The author of
First Maccabees is probably mistaken in thinking that the financial strain of
the Jewish revolt drove Antiochus to under. take the expedition (see NOTEon
8:8-35). Either order of events is compatible with 8:8-9,9:1-2.
[31] See NOTE on 8:8-35.
[32] The chief minister would avoid a protracted campaign
against stubborn rebels. He surely had political rivals who were dangerous to
leave behind in
[33] On the date of the letter in II 11:34-38, see NOTE on
11:38, In the year 148, in. . .
[34] See AB vol. 41, pp. 273-78.
[36] See NOTE on 10: 1-8.
[37] See p. 60.
[38] 29 See pp. 63-69.
[39]
See NOTE on
[40] See NOTE on 11 :23-26.
[41] See AB vol. 41, p. 293.
[42] Ibid., p. 315, an my article in PAAJR 46-47
(1978-79), 180-87.
[43] See AB vol. 41, p. 43, but read there and on p. 315
"June 28" instead of "June
27."
[44] See AB vol. 41, p. 43, but read there and on p. 315
"June 28" instead of "June
[45] Ibid., pp. 43-44.
[46] See NOTE on 13: 3-8 and, on the chronology of
Menelaus' high priesthood, NOTE on 4:7-38.
[47] See NOTE on 13: 25-26.
[48] Not the same man as the guardian appointed by Antiochus IV (16:14-15); see NOTE on 9:29.
[49] See AB vol. 41, pp. 341-42.
[50] Ibid., pp. 358-59.
[51] See pp. 74-81.
[52] See Introduction, Part IV.
[53] Ibid., and p. 17, and AB vol. 41, pp. 78-89.
[54] See AB vol. 41, pp. 551-57.