Dutch Proposals for Indonesian Settlement Feb 10
1946
See also
- Text
and Comments on the Radio
address by Queen Wilhelmina on 7 December 1942
- Dutch Proposals for Indonesian
Settlement 6 November 1945
- Text
and critique of the Linggadjati Agreement
- Text
and Comments on the Renville
Political Principles
A. TEXT OF DUTCH POLICY STATEMENT - 10 February
1946
In their policy
regarding Indonesia the Netherlands Government are inspired by the
conviction expressed in the address delivered by Her Majesty the Queen on December 6, 1942, by the following words:
"I know that no political unity nor national
cohesion can continue to exist which is not
supported by the voluntary acceptance and the faith of the great
majority of the citizenry."
The
Netherlands Government consequently take the view that the
peoples of Indonesia should, after a given preparatory period, be
enabled freely to decide their political destiny. Therefore, the Netherlands
Government, deeply conscious of their responsibility,
consider it their duty to do everything in their power in order to create and
to fulfill as soon as possible the conditions which will permit such a free
decision to be taken and which will assure its
international recognition, thereby complying with Article 73 of the United
Nations Charter.
Without derogating
in any way from the above-mentioned principle, the Netherlands Government
are furthermore convinced that the true interests of
the country and of the respective peoples of Indonesia
will thereafter find their best guarantee in the voluntary
continuation, in the words of Her Majesty, of:
"A realm in which the Netherlands, Indonesia,
Surinam and Curaçao will participate with
complete self-reliance and freedom of conduct for each part regarding its
internal affairs, but with the readiness to render mutual
assistance."
The Netherlands
Government, therefore, intend, in consultation with authoritative
representatives of Indonesia elected from a large variety of groups, to draft a
structure for the Kingdom and for Indonesia based upon democratic partnership.
This structure will remain in force for a given period of time, during which it
is believed that the conditions which will make possible the taking of the
above-mentioned free decision will be fulfilled; after that period the partners
shall independently decide upon the continuance of their relations on the basis
of a then complete and voluntary partnership. Difference of opinion regarding
the question whether that period should be further extended before a free
decision can be taken shall be submitted to a procedure of conciliation or, if
necessary, arbitration.
With respect to the
structure mentioned in the foregoing paragraph,
discussions will be held in accordance with the following main points:
(A)
There shall be a Commonwealth of
Indonesia, a partner in the Kingdom, composed of
territories possessing different degrees of
autonomy.
(B)
There shall be established an Indonesian citizenship
for all born in Indonesia; Netherlands and Indonesian
citizens shall be entitled to exercise all civic rights in all parts of
the Kingdom.
(C)
The
domestic affairs of the Commonwealth of Indonesia shall be managed independently by the Commonwealth's own
institutions; for the Commonwealth as a whole the creation of a
democratic representative body containing,
therefore, a substantial Indonesian majority, is contemplated, and
furthermore a Cabinet formed in political
harmony with the representative body, and a representative of the Crown
as the head of the Government's executive.
(D)
To
be enabled to fulfill the obligations incumbent upon the Kingdom as a result of
Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations,
the representative of the Crown shall possess under his responsibility
to the Government of the Kingdom, special powers
to guarantee fundamental rights, an efficient administration and sound
financial management. These powers shall be exercised only when these
rights and interests are affected.
(E)
The
envisaged Constitution containing the above-mentioned structure shall comprise guarantees for fundamental rights such as freedom of worship, legal equality without
discrimination as to creed or race, protection of person and property,
independence of the judiciary, protection of the rights of minorities, freedom
of education and freedom of opinion and expression.
(F)
The central institutions functioning for the entire
Kingdom shall be composed of representatives of the constituent parts of the
Kingdom. The establishment of a Commonwealth Cabinet composed of Ministers from the constituent parts of the Kingdom is
contemplated, as also Commonwealth legislation requiring the agreement
of the Parliaments of the respective constituent parts of the Kingdom.
(G)
After the entry into force of the above-mentioned
Constitution the Netherlands Government
shall promote the early admission of the Commonwealth of Indonesia as a
member of the United Nations Organization.
Quoted from Djajadiningrat, Idrus Nasir, The beginnings of the Indonesian-Dutch negotiations
and the Hoge Veluwe talks (Cornell University. Modern Indonesia
Project. Monograph series), Modern
Indonesia Project, Southeast Asia Program, Dept. of Far Eastern Studies,
Cornell University (1958), ASIN: B0007EG4B8 pp. 108-109
B.
Background
See - http://www.houseofdavid.ca/queen.htm
; http://www.houseofdavid.ca/Indo_nov6.htm
Quoted from Yong Mun Cheong, H. J. van Mook and Indonesian
Independence, The Hague, Nijhoff, 1982, pp. 66-68; 71-75
At the Singapore conference of 6
December 1945, it was agreed that Van Mook should return to the Netherlands for
consultations regarding the future policy to be adopted in Indonesia. This he
did and the first meeting with the Netherlands cabinet was held on 21 December.
A set of proposals was drawn up by Van Mook for its consideration. He dealt
with one main issue: should Indonesia be subject to the Netherlands or given the
right to choose to decide its own destiny after a period of time?
He himself felt that subject to the
continuance of a link, Indonesia should be granted the right to develop towards
a stage of full partnership with the Netherlands when it would have the right
to decide matters for itself. Using this as a point of departure, he stressed
that it would be necessary to determine a period of time when the goal of
complete partnership would have been reached. Meanwhile the Netherlands would
remain responsible for the foreign relations of Indonesia (including its
economic links with the outside world), although the latter would be given
increasing influence over the direction of those relations. The Netherlands
would also support the claims of the owners of economic enterprises confiscated
by the Japanese. These provisions would have satisfied Netherlands interests.
For the Indonesians, Van Mook argued they should have representation in the
United Nations. An Indonesian army should also be established. Most importantly
(with far-reaching future implications), Indonesia should be politically
organised as a federation of states to guarantee the autonomy of the various
constituent parts and people of Indonesia.
Van Mook's draft proposals of 21
December were a significant milestone in the history of Dutch colonial policy. This
was the first time that the federal state concept was brought up officially for
discussion in the Netherlands. In later years (1947-48), the federal state
was associated with the notion of preventing Javanese domination of the various
non-Javanese ethnic groups. However when the idea was first mooted in late
1945, that was not the rationale for its acceptance. This did not mean that the
ethnic factor was totally absent. Indeed, there is evidence to show that Van
Mook was not totally oblivious of the need to prevent Javanese domination. On
25 November, he had noted that a federal state in Indonesia would prevent the
domination of one part over another. He also stated that the unity of Java and
the Outer Islands was very fragile and that a Republican Government would not
be able to guarantee the rights of the religious and racial minorities. … Van Mook argued the case for the recognition
of the Republic (in Java and Minangkabau) and Dutch concentration in Borneo and
the Great East. Such proposals if accepted would have made necessary the
establishment of a federal state with Republican controlled and Dutch
controlled areas united in a single entity. The federal state rationalised Van
Mook's proposal to recognise the Republic and concentration on those areas
reinforced the need for a federal state. Therefore when the federal state proposal was first made on 25 November, it was
recommended because the Dutch were powerless and not because it was a panacea for
the ethnic diversity of Indonesia.
It should also be noted that in Van
Mook's proposals to the cabinet on 21 December, there was no mention of the
internal political structure. This was
in contrast to the earlier proposals of 6 November. He later explained (in
January 1946) that technical details and clauses would not give the impression
of its being a wide-ranging piece of political document….
Some of the proposals met with stiff
opposition from some members of the cabinet. There were two main areas of
criticism. Both P. Lieftinck (Minister of Finance) and J. M. de Booy
(Minister of the Navy and Shipping) insisted that the proposals should have
the unity of the empire as their point of departure. But this was not
reflected in the proposals. Instead, Van Mook advocated that the Indonesians
should have their own army and should be represented in the United Nations. His
reply to this charge was that the existence of the empire was self-evident.
Moreover, the Indonesians were expecting concrete proposals from the Dutch:
membership in the United Nations was crucial since neighbouring countries had
already won representation; an army was important to Indonesians who had always
thought that the Dutch had neglected their defense in 1941-42.
The other area of opposition lay in
the delineation of the time period. Both Logemann and J. H. van Royen (Minister
without Portfolio) did not wholeheartedly support Van Mook's proposals to
stipulate a period of time after which Indonesia could decide on its own
destiny. The two ministers felt that more important were the conditions which
must be fulfilled before that stage was reached. Van Mook however was insistent
that a time period should be set down. This would remove the suspicions of
Indonesians that the Dutch were trying to extend their influence over Indonesia
for as long as possible by attaching further conditions and guarantees.
… The final document represented great departure from the proposals of
Van Mook. The Netherlands for the moment would
still he responsible for "good government" in Indonesia. Indonesia
would he organised as a federal Commonwealth in which there would still be a
Dutch Governor- General. The latter could appoint and dismiss ministers of the
Commonwealth in accordance with the "political realities" found in
Indonesia. The ministers were bound to implement policies determined by the
Volkraad. This Indonesian Commonwealth would he a partner with the Netherlands
in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Kingdom would have a cabinet made up of
eight Dutch and five Commonwealth ministers. Foreign affairs would be
administered by the entire Kingdom. The Kingdom would support Indonesia's
admission as a member of the United Nations. Toward that end, the Dutch
delegation to the United Nations would consist of Netherlands and Indonesian
sections. After 25 years, the structure
of the Kingdom would be reviewed on the basis of a complete and voluntary
partnership. This … formula met the demands … that the unity of
the Kingdom be preserved. The continued role of the Governor-General … was ensured.
However, the
25-year period was too long. As Van Monk pointed out later, even the relatively
conservative individuals who valued the continuation of the relationship within
the Kingdom spoke in terms only of a 5-year transition period, and this period
was not conceived of as a span of time necessary for Indonesia to grow into an
independent state but only as a period needed for the restoration of order in
the country and to consult with the Netherlands on the .. development of
relations….
At Batavia, Van Monk consulted his
advisers on the proposals…. To a man, all agreed that they were unsatisfactory. In their view,
there was no clear-cut recognition of
the right of self-determination after a definite period of time. The detailed
description of the political structure during the period of transition gave the
impression that there was nothing new but the renewal of a one-sided system of
guardianship. Indonesians would only be prepared to negotiate on the basis of
equality and on the principles enunciated in the Atlantic and United Nations
Charters.
Instead, Van Mook counter proposed
seven more general points to be embodied in an announcement. They were as follows:
1 There would be a Commonwealth of Indonesia.
2 There would be established an
Indonesian citizenship for all born in Indonesia.
3 The domestic affairs of the Commonwealth of Indonesia would be managed
independently by the Commonwealth's own institutions. For the Commonwealth as a
whole, a representative body with a substantial Indonesian majority would be
formed. There would be a cabinet acting in harmony with the representative
body. The head of the government would be the representative of the Crown.
4 The representative of the Crown
would have special powers to guarantee fundamental rights, an efficient
administration and sound financial management.
5 There would be guarantees for
freedom of worship, education and expression, legal
equality, protection of person and of property, protection of minorities,
independence of the judiciary.
6 There would be a central institution functioning for
the entire Kingdom.
7 The Netherlands Government would promote the admission
of Indonesia as a member of the United Nations.
These general
points would be preceded by an introduction which stated that the structure described in the
seven points would only last for a certain period of time after which the Indonesians
would be free to decide on their future relations with the Netherlands.
Logemann accepted Van Mook's
counter-proposals with the explicit condition that the details tabled at
Chequers would nevertheless remain the limit to which Van Mook could accede to
Indonesian demands in any negotiations with the Republic. This position
represented a victory for Van Monk for the counter-proposals certainly
moderated the rather stringent conditions insisted by the Dutch ministers
earlier…. On 10 February 1946, Van Mook's counter-proposals were made public….
The first
meeting that Van Mook had with Sjahrir … [was on] 12 February 1946…. There were no
negotiations but merely explanations of the meaning of the proposals. No progress was
registered even
after a second meeting on 23 February. This lack of progress is only partially explained by the
ungenerous nature of the proposals. There were also indications of a hardening of Van
Mook's attitude with respect to the issue of the recognition of the Republic.
In November 1945, he had recommended recognition but on 13 February 1946, he wrote that
Sjahrir was still living in the "dream world of independence". A fortnight later he wrote to
Logemann that
Under all circumstances I will
refuse the recognition of the Republic since this recognition would not be sound in reality.
This change in his stand was
probably due to his success in persuading the British to allow the Dutch to land
troops in Java. With Christison gone, Van Mook was left to
deal with Sir Archibald Clark Kerr who believed that there was no chance of recognising the Republic. The British and other great
powers would not allow it. Given this
support from the British, the most positive in many months, Van
Mook's attitude towards recognition of the Republic changed.
Yet Sjahrir had to be provided with
arguments to persuade the Republic to accept the Dutch proposals…. On 26 February,
Van Mook decided to issue an elucidation of the 10 February proposals to
clarify doubts and to strengthen Sjahrir's hand. There is no indication that Van Mook
substantially discussed this elucidation with Logemann beforehand. It certainly
was more generous than the proposals tabled at Chequers which, as already
mentioned, constituted the limit of concessions that Van Mook was allowed to
make in negotiations with the Republic. The elucidation stopped short at
recognition of the Republic but it promised that the period of transition would
end "within the lifetime of the present generation". While the proposals made at Chequers named a
Governor-General to be appointed by the Crown with the power of appointing and
dismissing ministers in his cabinet, the elucidation made mention only of a
representative of the Crown without any reference to his power over the
ministers. At Chequers, the Governor-General was named as a member of the
government in Indonesia but in the elucidation, Van Mook conceived of the
representative of the Crown as responsible to a Government of the Kingdom of
the Netherlands (comprising the Netherlands, Indonesia, Surinam and Curacao) in
which Indonesian cabinet ministers would have seats. While the proposals made
at Chequers merely promised that ministers in Indonesia would be accountable
for their policy to a representative body, the elucidation of Van Mook added
that as many as possible of the ministers would be Indonesian citizens and so
would the composition of the representative body. Both sets of proposals
reiterated the need for a Commonwealth state in Indonesia.
The reactions of both the Hague
and the Republic were unclear, but they were not important, for the elucidation
never constituted a matter of discussion….
Nevertheless, when Sjahrir returned
to Batavia to resume negotiations, the issue of recognition of the Republic
exercising authority over the former Netherlands East Indies was the primary
demand in the meetings of 13, 16 and 17 March 1946….
The impasse over the recognition
issue was never resolved. When the issue was referred to discussions at
sub-committee level, the Dutch representatives used very legal arguments against the recognition of the Republic:
recognition would give rise to international
legal problems apart from the Dutch contention that the Republic did not
exercise de facto authority.
C. Critique
Considered in the most generous light
this offer could be considered to be “.. the Dutch equivalent of British
pledges of Indian independence attained by stages, and contemplated a
dominion type of relationship.”[1]
However -
Quoted from Raymond Kennedy, “Dutch PLAN for the Indies”. Far Eastern Survey, Vol. XV, No. 7 (April 10, 1946), pp.
97-102. Pp. 99-101
The third and fourth of the itemized
proposals are very important, as they outline the Dutch plan for the government
of Indonesia itself. The supreme organs of administration in the Indies have
been the Governor-General, the Council of the Indies, the Cabinet, and the
Peoples Council or Volksraad….
The central legislature has been the
main locus of political power of the Indonesians, and out of it have come most
of the enactments which have gradually but steadily pulled Indonesia toward
increasing democracy and self-government. The statement of policy has this to
say of its future: "for the Commonwealth as a whole the creation of a
democratic representative body containing a substantial Indonesian majority is
contemplated." The old Volksraad was democratic and representative, but
only to a degree. Only thirty-eight of the sixty delegates were elected, and
the remaining twenty-two were appointed by the Governor-General. The European
population was greatly over-represented, for while Europeans formed far less
than one percent of the total population, they held twenty-five, or over forty
percent, of the seats. The Foreign Asiatics, with about two percent of the
total population, were also favored in the legislature, having five, or almost
ten percent of the delegates. The natives held half of the seats, but they
composed over ninety-seven percent of the population.
If the proposed
legislature is to be both democratic and
representative, a question arises with regard to the appointive seats.
Will the Governor-General continue to appoint
some delegates, and if so, how many? While appointment of delegates may
not necessarily violate the principle of
representativeness, it seems hardly consonant
with the basic meaning of democracy. On the point of Indonesian representation, we have already
mentioned the probability that, despite unitary citizenship, communal voting by
ethnic blocs will he retained. This seems to follow logically from the statement that "a substantial Indonesian majority is contemplated."
No indication is given as to how substantial a majority the Dutch have in
mind.
Reform of the
voting system is not even mentioned in the statement of policy. Before the war, election of delegates to the Volksraad was carried out on the
basis of an electorate severely
restricted by income and property qualifications, which affected the
natives almost exclusively. Moreover, the
method of election was so indirect
that true mass representation was far from
achieved. Especially indirect was the electoral procedure for Indonesians. If a truly democratic and representative legislature is to be established in
the Indies, these impediments must be removed. Another and most
crucial question which is bound to arise in relation to the Indonesian Parliament concerns the veto power formerly exercised by the Governor-General; but this had best be considered below, along
with the other proposed powers of the Governor-General.
Position of Cabinet
The statement of policy calls for "a Cabinet formed in political harmony with the representative body." The prewar
Indonesian Cabinet was appointed by the Governor-General,
except for the Ministers of War and Navy,
who were named by the Crown. The Governor-General in turn was appointed by the Crown, so that the entire central executive branch was a creature
of the Netherlands Government. Contrary to the customary European principle of Cabinet responsibility
to the legislature, the Indonesian
Cabinet was responsible solely to the
Governor-General. The Indonesian Parliament had no voice in the selection of Cabinet members and no means of forcing the resignation of an
unsatisfactory Cabinet, although it might
pass a vote of no confidence in a
minister. The Governor-General could act on such a vote in his discretion. Under
the proposed plan, the Cabinet, once installed, will still retain its parliamentary immunity, and the appointment of ministers will still remain in Dutch
hands; but evidently the legislature will be given a chance to pass on
the suitability of Cabinet members proposed by the Governor-General. This seems to be the sense of the clause "a Cabinet formed in political harmony
with the representative body."
The powers of
the Governor-General were immense in pre-war Indonesia, and among them the
greatest were the veto he could exercise over the acts of the Volksraad and his
right to issue executive orders having the force of law in case of emergency. He might, indeed, modify or suspend any or all of the laws of
Indonesia, if he deemed that a state
of emergency existed. Such emergency
actions of the Governor-General were subject to confirmation by the Volksraad at its next meeting; and, if the legislature voted adversely, the
Crown then arbitrated the disagreement.
The Governor-General's veto over
acts of the legislature is not mentioned in the present statement of policy,
and yet it has been perhaps the single most "undemocratic" aspect of
Indonesian government. It is, of course, the standard bulwark against truly
democratic legislative power in every colony; even those, like Burma and
Ceylon, which have advanced to a considerable degree of home rule. The way the
system has operated in the Indies has been as follows: either the
Governor-General or the Volksraad might initiate a bill; in case of
disagreement the bill, if pertaining to finances, went to the Netherlands
Parliament for approval or rejection; if not a budget bill, the issue was
resolved by a royal decree. In either case the balance of power rested in Dutch
hands, and it seems probable that a change in this system will be demanded.
The section of the statement of policy which defines the Governor-General's special powers should also give pause to the Indonesians. "The representative of the Crown," it is proposed, "shall possess under his responsibility to the Government of the Kingdom certain special powers to guarantee fundamental rights, efficient administration and sound financial management. Exactly what these special powers will be, how they will be exercised, and what means will be available to the
Indonesian legislature to control them are all unanswered questions. The matters over which the Governor-General is entitled to exercise his
special powers are so broadly defined
that they could cover almost anything. He can,
on his own initiative, invoke his unspecified special powers to guarantee
"fundamental rights, efficient administration
and sound financial management." Any Indonesian statesman who accepted
such a blanket bill of goods, especially with the
memory of the drastic use of emergency powers in 1941 still fresh in his mind, would be a dupe indeed. The danger is palliated
not at all by the proviso that "these
powers shall be exercised only when these rights and interests are affected," for decision as to when the "rights and interests" are threatened rests
entirely with the Governor-General himself. While it might be argued that the
President of the United States and the chief
executive officers of other democratic nations possess such emergency powers, these are the freely elected
leaders of sovereign states; whereas the Governor-General of Indonesia, under
the proposed plan, will be an officer appointed by the ruler of a European nation to wield supreme
authority over an Asiatic country which
is trying desperately to free itself.
By comparison with the section
just discussed, the fifth proposal of the statement of
policy is straightforward and relatively uncontroversial. It concerns civil
rights. "The envisaged Constitution [of
the Commonwealth of Indonesia] . . .
shall comprise guarantees for fundamental rights such as freedom of worship, legal
equality without discrimination as to creed and race, protection of person and property, independence of the judiciary,
protection of the rights of minorities, freedom of education and freedom of opinion and expression." Some of the guarantees in this
"bill of rights" have been well established in the Indies previously.
Thus the Dutch have rightfully taken pride in their religious tolerance
and in their careful provisions for the
protection of the rights of minority native groups. Although the Chinese minority group has in the past undergone
discrimination and even persecution, the record of recent decades has shown a
swift and sweeping improvement. Legal
equality has been infringed in a sense
by differentiations in the laws, the courts,
and legal procedure; but these variations have been prescribed for the express purpose of adapting modern
concepts of justice to local, mutually dissimilar traditions and customs. As stated above, it seems likely that the principal change contemplated is
the legal reclassification of Chinese
into the same category as Europeans.
Protection of person and property is a fundamental right that could
hardly be omitted in the "bill of
rights" of any modern constitution. This provision, and the one
guaranteeing independence of the judiciary, represent no innovation.
Educational
Needs
Freedom of education has not been
violated in Indonesia in the past, with the exception of an abortive attempt by
the Government in 1932 to introduce a so-called "Wild School"
ordinance. For years before this the Government had been watching with
apprehension the rapid increase of "national" schools, i.e., private
schools operated by Indonesian political and cultural societies; and this
ordinance was designed to check the growth of the movement by forbidding
persons not possessing official certificates to teach. The Taman Siswo, largest
of the national-education societies, fought the ordinance bitterly and
organized a resistance campaign against it, with the result that the ordinance
was withdrawn.
The truth is, however, that Indonesia is in less need of freedom of
education than of free education. Tuition fees have been required for all
school attendance, and this ride, combined with the insufficiency of the kept
native education at an astonishingly low level. Literacy never exceeded ten percent in the Indies, and, although
the elementary school system began to expand rapidly during the 1930's, provisions for native education were
utterly inadequate even by 1940. Very few Indonesians ever went beyond
primary school, and university education was beyond the reach of all but an
infinitesimal proportion of them. In short, the prewar educational system for
natives was scandalously poor, especially for a country with the great natural
wealth of the Indies, and for a territory ruled by a nation with such high
educational standards as the Netherlands. It is a conspicuous shortcoming of
the present Dutch statement of policy that it does not include an outright
provision for great expansion of educational facilities and free schooling for
all, at least through the primary grades. Without tremendous improvement in
education, the Indonesians cannot develop many able leaders, and progress
toward real native self-government and full participation on all levels cannot
be realized.
The most impressive of the new
guarantees is that which promises "freedom of opinion and
expression." The censorship laws of the Indies have been almost unbelievable
in their repressiveness, and the restrictions on free assembly and free speech
have been almost as bad." Any person or group advocating independence, for
example, has been liable to prosecution for sedition, and with the passage of
time there was no softening of the rules. Just before the great debacle, in
1940, a government spokesman in the Volksraad declared officially that anyone
who raised the issue of independence would be subject to legal punishment. Use
of the word "Indonesia" was forbidden, as was singing of the
"revolutionary" anthem, Indonesia Raya. Persons who violated
the laws against "seditious" activities were either imprisoned or
banished to remote parts of the Indies. The notorious prison camp on the Upper
Digoel River in New Guinea held hundreds of political exiles at the outbreak of
the war.
The sixth proposal outlines the
Dutch plan for the central government of the Kingdom. "The central
institutions functioning for the entire Kingdom," it is stated,
"shall be composed of representatives of the constituent parts of the
Kingdom." The only "central institution" specifically named,
however, is a "Commonwealth-Cabinet," establishment of which, with
"Ministers from the constituent parts of the Kingdom," is
"contemplated." Apparently there will be a local cabinet for each of
the four divisions of the Kingdom.
D. INDONESIAN PROPOSALS IN ANSWER TO THE DECLARATION OF DUTCH POLICY - 13 March
1946
1.
The Republic of Indonesia shall be recognized as
exercising the
sovereign authority in the territory of the former Netherlands Indies.
2.
The Constitution of
the Republic of Indonesia shall, if necessary, be
rendered in complete harmony with fundamental principles prevailing
in a democratic state; in so doing due consideration shall be given to
the protection of minorities.
3. In accordance with these principles the
requirements for citizenship shall be
determined on the most liberal basis possible; however,
those among the non-Indonesians who prefer to remain aliens shall not be
prevented from doing so.
4.
On the premise to
be guided by public welfare, the policy followed
with respect to admittance of aliens for domicile and labor, as of investment
and operation for foreign capital, shall be the open door
policy.
5.
Debts of the Netherlands Indies and of the
autonomous territories incurred prior
to March, 1942, shall for the remainder be transferred to the Republic of
Indonesia.
6.
Agreements shall be
concluded with the Kingdom of the Netherlands to regulate
Netherlands interests in matter of personnel, finance, economy and others in an
equitable manner.
7.
For a defined period a federative union shall be constituted, composed of the Netherlands and Indonesia, whereby
the conduct of foreign relations and of the defense of both countries shall be
entrusted to a federal institution comprised of Dutch and Indonesian
representatives.
8.
The federal institution has the additional
task of assuring that in both states the fundamental
(human) rights shall be respected, that an efficient
administration and a sound financial
management are guaranteed and the agreements referred to under point 6
are adhered to.
9.
Immediately after this agreement
becomes effective the Netherlands forces shall be withdrawn
from Indonesia. Wherever necessary, they shall be replaced by the forces of the
Republic.
10. Likewise, general amnesty shall be granted to persons convicted or prosecuted because of political
and related offenses.
11.
The Netherlands Government shall promote the admission of Indonesia as a member of the UNO.
12. Pending these
discussions all military movements shall be suspended and the Indonesian
Government shall undertake to devote special
attention to the protection and evacuation of Dutch and other internees.
Quoted
from Djajadiningrat, Idrus
Nasir, The beginnings of the
Indonesian-Dutch negotiations and the Hoge Veluwe talks (Cornell University. Modern Indonesia Project.
Monograph series), Modern Indonesia
Project, Southeast Asia Program, Dept. of Far Eastern Studies, Cornell
University (1958), ASIN: B0007EG4B8 pp. 110-111