Edition
1.3
5 February 2012
E-book - History of the Ancient and Modern Hebrew Language
E-book - Biblical
Hebrew Poetry and Word Play - Reconstructing the Original Oral, Aural and
Visual Experience
By David Steinberg
David.Steinberg@houseofdavid.ca
Home page http://www.houseofdavid.ca/
TERMS, ABBREVIATIONS, AND LINGUISTIC SYMBOLS
1. Abbreviations
abs. -
absolute state (status absolutus) of a
noun or adjective as opposed to the construct and pronominal
states.
adj. -
adjective
a.p. - active
participle
BCE - Before Common
Era = BC; CE Common Era = AD
BH - Biblical Hebrew, the language
of the Hebrew Bible. Typologically it can be divided into ABH, CBH
and PCBH. Its registers include prose and poetic varieties.
BHA - Biblical
Hebrew, its antecedents and the development of the Biblical Hebrew reading
tradition of the Tiberian Masoretes (BHA phase 1 - Phase 6).
C -
consonant
C(1, 2, 3, 4)
- (first, second, third, forth) consonant
Cx(Cx)
- a given (same) consonant
constr.
- construct state (status constructus) of a noun or adjective as opposed to the absolute
and pronominal states. In transcription constr. is indicated
by the secondary stress
marker ˌ .
cp.
- common plural
cs. -
common singular
du. - dual
f. -
feminine
fp. - feminine plural
fs. - feminine singular
imp.
- imperative
inf. abs. - infinitive
absolute
inf. constr. - infinitive construct
m. -
masculine
MCS - Masoretic cantillation
signs
ML - Matres Lectionis
MSA - Modern Standard (or
literary) Arabic
MT -
Masoretic Text
n.
- (foot)note
N1....N2
- first noun ... second noun
obl. - oblique case
part. - participle(s)
PCcoh[2] - cohortative.[3] This is the volitive mood
of the first person of the PC ("I
would like to..."; "let's...") . "(T)he cohortative has
a direct use, e.g. May I kill, I wish to kill!, and an indirect
or subordinated use (with ו ), e.g. in order that I might kill
( וְאֶקְטְלָה)." [4]
PCimp[5] - imperfect. Its range meanings - present, future and past durative.
PCimp_inj - imperfect used as injunctive[6]. "The
imperfect in this usage is differentiated from the jussive with its prohibitive
in that the imperfect is negated by לֺא while the (jussive) prohibitive has אַל. The commandments formulated in the
imperfect often show the archaic long plural suffix and frequent reinforcement by the infinitive
absolute. The emphasis in this kind of injunction is not on the will of the
speaker (as it is in the jussive and
(jussive)
prohibitive) but on the action enjoined or forbidden."[7]
PCimp_prfut
- imperfect in its most common present, future meaning.
PCimp_pdur - imperfect in its less common past
durative meaning.
PCjus[8] - jussive. This is the volitive mood
of the second and third person of the PC.[9] "The jussive is used to express all the
nuances of will: from a superior to an inferior: command, exhortation,
advice, invitation, permission; - from an inferior to a superior: wish, prayer,
request for permission etc. The jussive is often followed by the entreating
particle נָא, especially in requests for
permission."[10]
PCpret - preterite i.e. the
original past tense that preceded the development of the SC as a verbal tense.
PCpret_sim[11] - the simple yaqtul preterite
i.e. used without the augmented conjunction,...waw plus gemination. This
is moderately common in poetry and used sporadically in prose usually where the
context makes the time reference unambiguous.
PCpretWC[12] - "In prose the yaqtul
(preterite) has been restricted to the role of a narrative past tense
expressing a sequence of actions. In narrative sequences of this nature, it is
at the head of the clause, always introduced by the augmented conjunction,...waw
plus gemination...."[13] PCpretWC is a regular
feature of BH prose and is used sporadically in BH poetry.
pl. -
plural
PMT - Proto-Masoretic text - the consonantal
text of the Hebrew Bible inherited by the Tiberian Masoretes. Their addition to this
text form of the MCS and vowel signs (pointing) produced
the Masoretic Text.
p.p. -
passive participle
pro. -
pronoun, pronominal
PS
- Proto-Semitic
language[14]
s. -
singular
SC - Suffix Conjugation[15]. GK (§106) gives a global overview of the non-waw conversive SC - "(It) serves to express actions, events, or states, which the speaker wishes to represent from the point of view of completion, whether they belong to a determinate past time, or extend into the present, or, while still in the future, are pictured in their complete state."
SChyp
- "Hypothetical conditions
or unrealizable wishes"[16]
SCpast -
past tense. Normally non-durative[17].
This is the normal usage and accounts for the great majority of non-waw conversive instances of the SC.
SCpre -
A performative action that occurs by means of speaking.
נָתַתִּי אֹתְךָ עַל כָּל־אֶרֶץ מִצְרָיִם
I appoint
you over all the land of Egypt.[18]
SCprec -
precative perfect i.e. to articulate a request (rare and only found in
Psalms).[19]
SCprof -
prophetic perfect presenting the future as if it was already reality[20]
(rare).
SCstate -
state of affairs or condition. Mainly with stative verbs.[21] Nb. GK (§106g) "(The SC can) represent
actions, events, or states, which, although completed in the past, nevertheless
extend their influence into the present (in
English generally rendered by the present...."
SCtimeless -
gnomic perfect describing actions or events that are not time-bound
(rare).[22]
SCwc - waw conversive form of SC
carrying the range of meanings of PCimp. Used
regularly in narrative prose and irregularly in poetry.
sp. - pronominal state (status pronominalis)[23] of nouns governing pronominal suffixes contrasting with the absolute
and construct
states. Sp. resembles the construct both in function and form but exhibits a
shift of stress which in EBHP rests on the pronominal suffix or the vowel connecting
it with the noun except for the always stressed heavy suffixes כם, כן, הם, הן, ם.
V - vowel
V(1,
2) - (first, second) vowel
2. Linguistic Terms and Symbols[24]
Anceps vowels /ć/, /ĩ/, /ũ/
Colloquial Arabic - current spoken varieties of Arabic
Energic Mood - 'Found in Classical Arabic and various
other Semitic
languages, the energetic mood expresses something which is strongly
believed or which the speaker wishes to emphasize, e.g. yaktubanna يَكتُبُنَّ ("he certainly writes")' - source Wikipedia.
Epigraphic
Hebrew (EH) -
the
extra-biblical Hebrew inscriptions of Palestine which have been attributed to the period
between the tenth and the sixth century BCE.
Fientive or action verb designates an action of movement or change of
state in which the subject performs the action.
Phonologically distinct or phonological - refers to phonic differences capable of
distinguishing meaning in a given language. Essentially it has them same
meaning as 'phonemic'
Vowel Letters or Matres Lectionis (Latin for mothers of reading)
abbreviation ML - א ה ו י when used to represent a vowel. For details see these
boxes.
ˈ Primary
(or Main) stress (occasionally phonemic) - this symbol is placed immediately before the
syllable carrying primary stress with the stressed
syllable itself marked bold e.g. */ʾaˈdaːm/.
ˌ Secondary stress[25]
Phonemic in EBHP/LBHP in
such cases as: /ˈsūs/ =
"horse"; /ˌsūs/ (constr) = "horse of -". This symbol is placed immediately before the
syllable carrying secondary stress.
Ų
For EBHP I assume that nouns in the construct have a
secondary stress on the syllable which in the absolute case would carry the
primary stress.
Ų For TH syllable:
o
In the case of
nouns in the construct case, all syllables marked by Tiberian stress indicating
accents are assumed to carry secondary stress[26].
o
In all other
cases all syllables marked by Tiberian stress indicating accents, other than
the final one in the word, are assumed to carry secondary stress.
N.b. - In
TH, originally short vowels are found in closed syllables carrying primary or
secondary stress, and are pronounced long.[27]
. Syllable break
- a.a
(used
where necessary for clarity)
/t/ virgules
mark phoneme
boundaries
: colon
placed between two words indicates phonological contrast
minimally, a minimal pair
[t]
square
brackets mark phonetic/allophone boundaries.
<ph> graphemes
? Indicates that it is impossible
to decide between alternatives based on current data.e.g. /ˈḫiṣy/ (EBHP?) > /ˈḫiṣī/ (EBHP?) means the pre-exilic Biblical Hebrew (BH) phonemic pronunciation was
either /ˈḫiṣy/ or its later derived form /ˈḫiṣī/.
/ slash separates contrastive or variant items, categories, etc.
√ root eg √gdl or √גדל
{ } encloses morphemic element, morphemic,
element, morphemic junction or root.
( ) in transcriptions encloses:
(a) an element included in an alternative reconstruction; or, (b) an omissible or
optional element. Thus EBHP /qaˈṭalta(ː)/ indicates
that the pronunciation was either /qaˈṭalta/ or /qaˈṭaltaː/ or that
either was an option at that time.
< 'derives from ...'
<< morphophonemic shift
← 'derives from...' omitting one or more intermediate stages.
> 'leads to ...'
→ abridged shift (i.e. without intermediate stages).
# terminal pause.
Ų zero.
~ 'both forms exist(ed) synchronically'.
≈ by analogy to
≈hyp. cor. hypercorrections or
pseudo-correction. Example
forms such as בְּאֵר /bәˈʾệr/
± 'with or without' or
'indifferent to'.
2.1 Symbols Denoting Vowels - see Vowel Phonemes
[28]
a) Vowel Length
·
Transcribing diachronic examples -
I.
Irreducible Historically
Long Vowels i.e. vowels that seem to have been long as far back
as we can reconstruct even if their quality has changed -
/ῑ/,
/ē/ ([ɛ̄] or [ẹ̄][29]), /ā/[30], /ō/[31], /ū/.
N.b. Such vowels can be gained by analogy as in the
case of the 1cs. independent pronoun.
II.
Irreducible Long Vowels which lengthened due to
contraction and assimilation -
/ī/, /ź/ ([ɛ̂] or [ệ]), /ā/, /ō/, /ū/.
III.
Long Vowels originating
from PH anceps vowels, vowels lengthened due to stress
(tonic and pretonic lengthening), long vowels whose origin is
unclear, and long
vowels in foreign names etc. e.g. פַּרְעֹ֛ה /parˈcoː/, סִֽיסְרָ֖א /siːsạˈraː/ -
/iː/, /eː/ ([ɛː] or [ẹː]), /aː/, /ɔː/, /oː/,
/uː/.
IV.
Vowels
carrying primary
stress when not otherwise marked -
ķ, ɪ́,
é, ẹ́, ɛ́, į, ɐ́, ɔ́, ó, ʊ́,
ś.
V.
Vowels carrying
secondary stress in TH when not
otherwise marked -
ģ,
ɪ̀, č, ẹ̀, ɛ̀, ą, ɐ̀, ɔ̀, ņ, ʊ̀, ł.
·
Phonetic transcription and transcribing reconstructed text
Ų
I generally
use IPA symbols, thus historic /ō/, /ō/ and /oː/
(see above) are all
transcribed [oː] in *[EBHP].
Ų
TH qāmeṣ is
transcribed [ɔ]
in *[TH]
regardless of its origin;
·
Word-final Vowels of intermediate or uncertain
length
I use the IPA symbol ˑ for transcribing reconstructed *[EBHP]
word-final vowels
in two situations:
Ų
when it is uncertain whether a word-final
vowel was pronounced short or
long e.g. TH קׇטַלְתׇּ which was a
reflex of /EBHP/ */qaˈṭalta(ː)/ i.e. */qaˈṭaltaː/ or */qaˈṭalta/; reconstructed pronunciation [EBHP]
*[qɐˈṭɐltɐˑ]
Ų
when a historically long word-final
vowel is unstressed and hence
probably shortened in pronunciation as in many Arabic dialects e.g.
TH (3fs. SC) קׇטְלָה which was a
reflex of /EBHP/ */qaˈṭalā/[32]; [EBHP]
*[qɐˈṭɐlɐˑ]
b) Restored Vowels -
ạ, ị, ụ in /EBHP/ (ɐ, ɪ ,
ʊ or ɐ̣,
ɪ̣, ʊ̣ in my reconstructed [EBHP])[33] are used to
indicate originally short vowels, which have been reduced to ә/Ų (בְ), ɐ̆
(בֲ), ɛ̆
(בֱ) or
ɔ̆ (בֳ) in TH.
Their pronunciation in [EBHP], in descending order of probability -
/ạ/
[ɐ], [ɐ̆], [ɛ], [ɛ̆], [ә], [Ų]
/ị/
[ɪ], [ĭ], [ẹ], [ĕ], [ә], [Ų]
/ụ/
[ʊ], [ŭ], [ŏ], [ɔ],
[ɔ̆], [ә],
[Ų]
c) Notes -
·
in diachronic examples,
the TH
phoneme /ɔ/ is transcribed /ǫ/[34]
*[ɔ] when
it originated from short u, and /å/ *[ɔː]
when it immediately originated from long a.
·
in quotations from other authors
I have generally kept their notation unless otherwise noted.
a - furtive pataḥ, Hebrew term pataḥ g'nuvah
Were Word-Final Geminated Consonants Maintained in EBHP?
Symbols for long vowels and consonants
List of words with final gemination
2.3 Stages of the Hebrew Language [36]
a) PNWS - Proto-Northwest Semitic (BHA
phase 1)
b) PH - Proto-Hebrew (BHA
phase 2). The Canaanite dialects (c.1200-1000 B.C.E.) that would develop into Hebrew with the loss
of the case endings. Pattern of long and
short vowels and consonants carry on Proto-Semitic pattern. Vowel and consonant
quality and length phonemic. Stress uniformly penultimate thus not distinct. Sources - see
Harris
1939, Hendel-Lambdin-Huehnergard, Sįenz-Badillos.
c)
AH - Ancient Hebrew[37] - All the Canaanite
dialects written and spoken in the territory described in the Bible as being
settled by the tribes
of Israel, and later the kingdoms
of Israel and Judah, from about 1000
BCE until the extinction of Hebrew speech with the
suppression of the Bar Kochba rebellion in the mid-second
century CE (BHA phase 1
- Phase
4).
c.1) PreExH - Pre-Exilic
Hebrew (BHA phase 3). This encompasses both
Judean and Israelian Hebrew i.e. all the dialects spoken and written in the
villages and towns of the kingdoms of Judah and Israel
c. early 10th to early sixth centuries BCE i.e. in the First Temple Period.
Israelian
Hebrew (some scholars call Northern or Israelite
Hebrew [38]) (BHA
phase 3) - This is not a dialect; it is a catchall term for all the dialects
spoken and written in the villages and towns of the Kingdom of Israel c. 1000 BCE until at least the
late eighth century BCE. It does not imply that these dialects had more in
common with each other than many of them had to some of the dialects spoken in
the
IEH - Israelian Epigraphic Hebrew
*[EBHPisr] a possible reconstruction of Samarian Hebrew when probably at variance from EBHP.
Judahite Hebrew (some scholars call Southern or Judean Hebrew) (BHA phase 3) - This is not a dialect; it is a catchall term for
all the dialects spoken and written in the villages and towns of the Kingdom of Judah during
the First Temple Period. The spoken
dialects ancestral to MH, falls under this rubric. Use of the term Judahite Hebrew does not imply that
these dialects had more in common with each other than many of them had to some
of the dialects spoken in the
ABH - Archaizing Biblical Hebrew - The language of a few important poems[39]. These poems could have been
authored at any time after 1000 BCE[40] probably using a standard set of
archaizing features[41].
CBH - Classical Biblical Hebrew (BHA phase 3) - The literary dialect of
*EBHP
- Early Biblical Hebrew Pronunciation
/EBHP/+[45] - This reconstruction includes -
·
the phonemic transcription of reconstructed
CBH (/EBHP/) recovering, as closely as possible, the
pronunciation that a scribe in Jerusalem 700-600
·
the
occasionally phonemic placement of primary word stress;
·
the
non-phonemic placement of secondary word stress; and,
·
the
non-phonemic distinction between
the long vowels of various origins e.g. ῑ,
ī,
iː.
[EBHP] [46] a phonetic transcription of reconstructed Early Biblical Hebrew
Pronunciation.
/EBHP+/ more probable of alternative reconstructions.
/EBHP-/ less probable of alternative reconstructions.
/EBHP?/ possible reconstruction usually used when it is impossible to
decide, based on current data, between and earlier and later form.
/EBHPsam/ possible reconstruction of Samarian pre-exilic Hebrew when probably at variance from Jerusalem
dialect.
JEH - Judahite Epigraphic Hebrew (see A Note on Epigraphic
Hebrew) - inscriptions
contemporaneous with pre-exilic CBH. Scribes trained in Jerusalem 700-586 BCE were
likely the authors of the bulk of surviving JEH e.g. Siloam
Inscription, Lachish
ostraca,
Arad
ostraca. For their orthography see Matres
Lectionis in Hebrew. The same circles were likely
the composers and/or transmitters of most of the pre-exilic biblical texts.
Epigraphic Hebrew documents have been preserved in their original language and
orthography and, within
limits, can serve as a guide to pronunciation. Except for archaisms
used in poetry,
the original orthography of the pre-exilic biblical texts would very likely
to have conformed to the norms of JEH.
I am
working on the assumption that in JEH -
·
all final stressed vowels were long and
generally marked by vowel letters;
·
final unstressed long vowels were generally
marked by vowel letters; and,
·
final unstressed short vowels, were unmarked i.e. were not marked by vowel
letters or in any other way.
c.2)
PostExH - Post-Exilic Hebrew (BHA phase 4)
PCBH - Post-Classical Biblical Hebrew (BHA phase 4) - A literary dialect of Jerusalem c.500
B.C.E.- 70 CE. It is a direct continuation of, and
very similar to CBH[47]
and like CBH texts the language of PCBH biblical passages shows no discernable
internal development.. However, it shows internal linguistic developments
that were probably influenced by Aramaic[48] and contemporary spoken
Hebrew. PCBH diverged increasingly
from spoken Hebrew and should be considered a diglossic prestige language.[49] In the post-exilic period the
author/editors would have used PMH or Aramaic as their daily speech and have
written the very different CBH and PCBH in the way that modern Arabs write MSA
or as medieval Italians wrote Church Latin[50]. Sources later books of the Bible such as Chronicles.
LBHP /LBHP/ (Late Biblical Hebrew Pronunciation)
- Phonemic transcription
of reconstructed reading tradition of BH c.500 BCE - 200 CE. Naturally it would have changed
considerably over that period. It was increasingly affected by Aramaic and
spoken Hebrew.
[LBHP] a phonetic
transcription[51] transcription of reconstructed Late Biblical Hebrew Pronunciation.
QH -
PMH - Proto-Mishnaic or Proto-Rabbinic Hebrew - see Development of Proto-Mishnaic Hebrew (c. 586 BCE-c. 70 BC).[53].
MH - Mishnaic, Middle
or Rabbinic Hebrew - Basically the spoken Hebrew of
some areas of rural
d) MidH - Medieval Hebrew. Various forms of Hebrew c. 1000-c. 1850 C.E.
e) IH - Israeli Hebrew. Spoken and written Hebrew Palestine (1900-1947)/Israel (1948-present).
/IH/ Phonemic transcription of IH.
[IH] Phonetic transcription of IH. Note
Vowel
System - Modern Israeli Hebrew.
2.4) Proto-Tiberian, Tiberian and Other Traditions
of Reading Biblical Hebrew
a) PTH - Proto-Tiberian
Hebrew (BHA Phase 5 - c.150-c.500
C.E.). This is the developing traditional pronunciation of some circles of Aramaic speaking
Palestinian scholars when reading the Proto-Masoretic
text of the Hebrew Bible.
This tradition underlies TH and is largely deduced from the
phonology of TH.
/PTH/+
This reconstruction includes -
·
the phonemic[54] transcription of reconstructed PTH (/PTH/);
·
the
occasionally phonemic placement of primary word stress;
·
the
non-phonemic placement of secondary word stress;
·
the
allophonic spirantization of
the bgdkpt consonants (dage qal (Hebrew) or dagesh lene (Latin) - b/b,
g/g, d/d, p/p, t/t; and,
·
the
non-phonemic distinction
between the long vowels of various origins e.g. ῑ, ī, iː.
[PTH] Phonetic[55] transcription of reconstructed PTH.
b) TH - Tiberian Hebrew (BHA
Phase 6 - c.850 C.E.). TH masoretic cantillation and
vowel points basically reflect the final development of PTH as it continued to develop from the
fifth to the ninth centuries CE (see Tiberian Vowel System). Compared to EBHP there was
a decrease in the number of consonantal
phonemes and an increase in the number of vowel phonemes.
Short vowels remain only in closed unstressed syllables. Vowel length
non-phonological, consonant
gemination carries light phonemic load. Vowel and consonant quality and word
stress phonological.
As described in Khan 1987 (pp. 24-25) -
"Although the Tiberian vocalization system marks all the major qualitative distinctions between the vowels, it gives only partial indication of relative vowel quantity. The reason for this is that ... vowel quantity was not phonemic. The vocalization system was concerned primarily with the phonemic quality oppositions. The few indications of allophonic distinctions of both quality and quantity were made by the Masoretes out of their desire to preserve correctly the phonetic details of the reading tradition."
/TH/+ In order to include the full range of
word-level information provided by MT this includes:
·
the phonemic transcription of TH (/TH/);
·
the
occasionally phonemic placement of primary word stress;
·
the
non-phonemic placement of secondary word stress; and,
·
the largely
partly or largely allophonic -
·
vocal wa and ḥaṭaf/ḥatep vowels[56]
·
spirantization of
the bgdkpt consonants (dage qal (Hebrew) or dagesh lene (Latin) - b/b,
g/g, d/d, k/k, p/p, t/t.
[TH][57] Phonetic transcription
of reconstructed TH assuming that vowels that the were as in
the table Tiberian Vowel System.
c) Other
Written Traditions of Reading Biblical Hebrew[58]
BHQum - Biblical Hebrew
as reflected in the orthography of biblical
Dead Sea Scrolls (2nd c. BCE-1st c. CE)[59].
BHPal - Biblical Hebrew pointed with Palestinian Vocalization (from c. 7th
c. CE)[60].
BHBab - Biblical Hebrew pointed with Babylonian Vocalization (from late c. 9th c. CE)[61].
BHGk-Lat - Biblical Hebrew as reflected in Greek[62] and Latin[63] transcriptions
(mainly 3rd c. BCE-4th c. CE)[64].
BHSam-nik -
Biblical Hebrew pointed with Samaritan Vocalization (from c. 10th c.
CE).
d) Modern
Pronunciation Traditions Used in Reading BH
2. BHIH = [BHIH] = [IH] -
The reading
of the MT using Israeli Hebrew pronunciation. Stress mainly follows
TH accents and the phonemic structure is set by the TH graphemes. Influence of European Languages. No long consonants or
vowels, no emphatic consonants, no gutturals except
occasional [h]. For the sound system of Israeli Hebrew see Glinert p. 9 see also Berman.
3.
BHAH = [BHAH] - The reading
of the MT using traditional Ashkenazi Hebrew pronunciation. Stress
penultimate and the phonemic
structure is set by the TH graphemes thus any variations in vowel length are
non-phonological. Influence of European Languages. No long consonants or
vowels, no emphatic consonants, no gutturals except
[h].
4.
BHMIZ =
[BHMIZ] - The reading
of the MT using traditional Mizrahi (Arabic speaking excluding Yementie) Hebrew
pronunciation. Stress mainly follows TH
accents and the phonemic
structure is set by the TH graphemes thus any variations in vowel length are
non-phonological. Somewhat
variable due to the influence of different Arabic dialects. Pronunciation includes long consonants and
vowels, emphatic consonants, gutturals.
5.
BHSEP
= [BHSEP] - The reading
of the MT using traditional Sephardi Hebrew pronunciation. maintained
in the Ladino speaking communities. Stress
mainly follows TH accents and the phonemic structure is
set by the TH graphemes thus any variations in vowel length are
non-phonological. Influence of European Languages. No long consonants or
vowels, no emphatic consonants, no gutturals except
occasional [h].
6.
BHYEM[67] = [BHYEM] - The reading
of the MT using the traditional Yemeni Hebrew pronunciations for scriptural
reading and recitation. Stress
mainly follows TH accents and the phonemic structure is set
by the TH graphemes thus variations in vowel length are non-phonological (There are four vowel lengths maintained in
the Yemenite tradition of reading the MT. [68]) Somewhat variable due to the influence of different Yemeni Arabic dialects.
7.
THCST = /THCST/ Conventional Scholarly Transcription of TH. Stress mainly follows TH
accents and the phonemic structure, including stress, is set
by the TH graphemes. The most widely used standard for THCST
is THSBL - Society of Biblical Literature (SBL) Academic Translation Style[69].
[THCSP IS-ENG] - This
represents the way English-speaking scholars, familiar with the pronunciation of
IH, tend to pronounce TH. Frequently, in writing scholars use THCST for transcription, they ignore the
transcription substituting BHIH in oral pronunciation modified, in
some cases, where English speaking habits are closer to *[TH] than to [IH]/BHIH. Some examples[70] -
(a) Ṣērź in [THCSP IS-ENG] is usually pronounced with its historic Tiberian pronunciation ẹ (IPA [e]) not as in IH [ɛ] - cf. the English
contrast bet:bait;
(b) ר
in [THCSP IS-ENG] is usually actualized as [ɾ] as in English and *[TH] not as in BHIH/IH [ʁ̞];
(c) consonantal ה in BHIH/IH is usually silent or a
glottal stop while in [THCSP
IS-ENG] English speakers tend to realize it, in
positions in which consonantal [h] appears in English, as the
original [h] - cf. the
English contrast hat:at. Some examples -
- "the door" הַדֶּלֶת
/TH/ /had.ˈdɛ.lɛt/ [TH] *[hɐd.ˈdɛː.lɛθ]
BHIH/IH [ɐ.ˈdɛ.lɛt]
THCSP
IS-ENG [hɐ.ˈdɛ.lɛt]
- BUT, English not being
comfortable with a consonantal [h] following a vowel at the end of a syllable
הַ֥לְלוּ
יָ֨הּ
/TH/ /hal.lu.ˈyåh/ [TH]
*[hɐl.luː.ˈyɔːh]
BHIH/IH [ɐ.lə.lu.ˈyɐ]
THCSP
IS-ENG [hɐ.lə.lu.ˈyɐ]
- Perhaps the
most important example of English pronunciation rules distorting a key word is יהוה EBHP *yahˈwź
THCSP IS-ENG [yaˈwẹ]
(d) in IH yod
quiesces when followed by a ḥīreq at the beginning of words thus יִשְׂרָאֵל is [yɪsrɐˈẹl] in [THCSP IS-ENG] but [ɪsʁɐˈɛl]
in BHIH/IH. Similarly, יִבְחַר is
[yɪvˈxɐr] in THCSP IS-ENG but [ɪvˈxɐr] in BHIH/IH.
It must be stressed, that
this practice, of modeling pronunciation on [IH], completely obscures important
Ancient Hebrew distinctions - vowel and consonantal
length, emphatic
vs. unemphatic consonants, the range of gutturals. This is in addition to
changes between EBHP and TH (see The Pronunciation
of Hebrew Changed Substantially Between EBHP and the Time of the 8th-11th
CE Masoretes Who Vocalized the Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible).
[1] See Blau 2010 §4.3.3.3. For range of meanings of PC see Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 § 113 and van der Merwe et al. § 19.
[2] Nb. In /EBHP/ PCcoh was distinguished from PCimp
and PCpret_sim, in forms, not
carrying object suffixes, by the unstressed suffix a(ː), and
usually from PCpret_sim by placement of
stress.
[3] A good outline of the meanings and use of the
cohortative is in Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 §45,
114, 116. "Orlinsky recognized that once the syntagma
was understood as requiring the cohortative for the first person and the
jussive for second and third, then all verb forms in such a chain of purpose
clauses after an imperative or an exclamation were by definition
cohortative/jussive whether or not they exhibited any morphological
distinction. (Rainey 1985
p. 10.)
[4] From Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 §45b.
[5] Nb. In /EBHP/ PCpret_sim/PCjus were distinguished from PCimp
in some forms, when not
carrying object suffixes, by placement of stress.
[6] Williams 1976:32.
[7] Rainey 1985 p. 8.
[8] Nb. In /EBHP/ PCpret_sim/PCjus were distinguished from PCimp
in some forms, when not
carrying object suffixes, by placement of stress.
[9] A good outline of the
meanings and use of the cohortative is in Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 §46, 114, 116.
[10] Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 §114h.
[11] Nb. In /EBHP/ PCpret_sim/PCjus were distinguished from PCimp
in some forms, when not
carrying object suffixes, by placement of stress.
[12] Nb. In /EBHP/ PCpretWC was distinguished from PCimp and PCjus by the germination of the prefix consonant. Additionally, PCpretWC
was distinguished from PCimp
in some forms, when not
carrying object suffixes, by placement of stress.
[13] Rainey 1985 pp. 5-6.
[14] "long vowels were shortened in closed syllables in Proto-Semitic and
Proto-Hebrew." Blau 2010 §4.3.3.3.2.
"...in Proto-Semitic (and in Pre-Hebrew) no
long vowels were tolerated in closed syllables." Blau 2010
§3.5.12.2.14n.
[15] For range of meanings
of SC see Joϋon-Muraoka 1991
§112 and van der Merwe et
al. § 19.2.
[16] Van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.1.c.iii. Note the following "... מִי with the perfect (Gn 21:7, Nu 23:10, I S 26:9, Is 53:1, & etc.) or participle ... expresses a rhetorical question ...." GK §151.a.1
[17] See van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.1.
[18] From van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.3.
[19] See van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.5i.
[20] See van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.5ii.
[21] See van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.2.
[22] See van der Merwe et al. § 19.2.4.
[27] Egs.
§ the second vowel of קָטַל - /qåˈṭal/ [qɔːˈṭɐːl]
§ constr. form יַד 'hand of-' - /ˌyad/ [ˌyɐːš]
Note Blau 2010 §3.5.7.1.2.
[28] Order follows the natural scale of vowel qualities (see. Joϋon-Muraoka 1991 §6b).
[29] Quite rare but found,
for example, in /'mēt/ 'dead'
(see Gibson 1965 p. 37).
[31] Resulting from Canaanite
Shift
[33] I use ɐ, ɪ , ʊ when placed beside /EBHP/ transliterations which clearly mark the restored vowels. Where this is not the case I use ɐ̣, ɪ̣, ʊ̣.
[35]
For gemination see Lipinski 1997 pp. 179-184; Joϋon-Muraoka 1991
§18; and Hoffman 2004
pp. 99-101. The symbol for gemination is either the consonant written twice
e.g. dibber or written to indicate that the consonant is long e.g. dib:er.
Also Wikipeia.
T. F. Mitchell, in Colloquial Arabic: the Living Language of Egypt, describes
gemination in Egyptian Arabic Any Arabic consonant may
be doubled. Except when final, a
doubled consonant must be pronounced at least twice as long
as its single counterpart and is characterized by greater muscular tension in the articulating organs
Consonants
which are pronounced long occur in English at the junction of words or of
affixes and words ; for example, black king (contrast blacking), misspelt, unnecessary, but, of course, the double letters of English
spelling in such words as better
and butter are
pronounced as single sounds. The single-double
distinction is a very important feature of Arabic and the ss of kassar
he smashed, for example, must
always be pronounced considerably longer than s in kasar he broke
.
Doubled consonants are usually
pronounced shorter when final.
[36] In
transliterating consonantal phonemes I
use the Society of Biblical Literature (SBL) Academic Translation Style (THSBL). I generally to use the IPA system
to transliterate
consonantal phones.
[37] "Outside
of closed unstressed syllables, which excluded long vowels, Ancient Hebrew
had a contrast between long and short vowels. However,
between the Tannaitic period (c. 73-200 CE) and the time of the Masoretes,
short vowels in stressed syllables lengthened, erasing the contrast in those
syllables.." Steiner 1997 p. 149.
[38] See Schniedewind-Sivan 1997 p. 304 footnote.
[40] See Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 chapt. 12; Vern 2008.
[41] See Sįenz-Badillos §3.3; Kutscher 1982 p. 79 ff.
[42] From Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 p. 57.
(W)e agree with Hurvitz that it is impossible to discern
linguistic development within EBH (my CBH) or within LBH (my PCBH).... For
example, on the basis of language, we cannot date alleged preexilic EBH texts
to the tenth as opposed to the seventh century, nor can we date possible
sources within supposed preexilic books, such as Genesis or Samuel, to
particular points in time. More explicitly, alleged preexilic EBH texts written
over a potential span of hundreds of years (eg. 1000-600 BCE) do not reflect
any discernible chronological linguistic variations.
[43] See Ehrenbsvärd 2004. The following is quoted from Kofoed 2006 pp. 98-99 -
If
there is ever any truly sharp division between two historical stages of a
language over a relatively short time period, then it is an accident.
Catastrophic change in language is not the norm. Current theory rebuts,
therefore, the argument (often stated ex
silentio) that only one kind of Hebrew was being used at any one time, and
Davies is therefore right in arguing that one cannot automatically convert
linguistic typology into linguistic chronology. A range of synchronic factors
must be taken into consideration before a diachronic explanation can be
settled: dialect, colloquial language, idiolect, sociolect, archaizing
language, etc. This is also true for periods where such differing grammars are
unattested in the written sources. Since writing is secondary to speech,
vernaculars and dialects must by necessity have existed alongside the written Hochsprache. Before jumping to
diachronic explanations of linguistic difference one must acknowledge,
therefore, that the dark side of the moon is just as real as the visible, and
that the existence of additional contemporary grammars may account better for
the linguistic differences than diachronic ones.
Furthermore,
since language change is influenced by a number of unpredictable factors (time,
society, and the individual) no linear development can be ascribed
automatically to any language. Modern linguistic theory has, for the same
reason, dismissed the idea that language change is governed by an internal
"biological clock" that makes it possible for the historical linguist
to reconstruct prior stages and to predict future developments of a given
language....
[44] From Kofoed 2006 p. 103 -
The obvious
choice of a comparative case study would of course be to pick a well-documented
contemporary linguistic case in the same literary genre and from the same
cultural stream. The closest match in that regard is probably the Babylonian
"literary" language or "Standard Babylonian," which remained so stable that even
distinguished scholars erroneously dated compositions late that later were
proved to stem from Old Babylonian times.
[45] See Phones and Phonemes - http://www.houseofdavid.ca/anc_heb_6.htm#phone_phonym..
[46]
Note, in reconstructed [EBHP]
transliterations and sound files -
1.there is no spirantization of the bgdkpt consonants - http://www.houseofdavid.ca/anc_heb_tequ.htm#bgdpt;
2. vowel qualities are outlined here - http://www.houseofdavid.ca/anc_heb_6.htm#ebhp_vow_qual;
3. I use the most
probable form. Where no one form stands out as most probable, I select the one
closest to the MT vocalization.
4. when multiple forms are
possible, the form used is underlined.
[47] See Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 chapt.5.
[48] From Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 p. 50 "Polzin minimises the
influence of Aramaic on LBH emphasising instead the inner development or
natural evolution of BH (Polzin 1976: 2; cf.
13-14)."
[49] See Ehrenbsvärd 2004.
[50] From Young, Rezetko, Ehrensvärd 2008 p. 48.
First it has been recognized for a long time that the relative
homogeneity of BH may be explained by its function
as a standard literary language (e.g. Chomsky 1957: 30-31,
46-49; W.
Weinberg 1993: 13). In other words BH was an artificial construct, a
Bildungssprache or 'language of education',
that was written by many scribes at many times and places, and whose linguistic
differences may be due to proficiency and/or style. Ehrenbsvärd's
reference to Arabic present is some respects a fair analogy. It shows that it
is possible for a language to stay the same for many centuries. Also, Blau
points out that 'there were Arabic authors who wrote in a late period in a
purely classical style and succeeded in avoiding not only neo-Arabic forms, but
also post-classical forms (Blau 1997:
28). In the same article he refers to the twelfth-century scholar Usama bin
Munqidh who wrote his memoirs in Middle Arabic, i.e. heavily influenced by
vernacular Arabic, but also wrote poetry
in perfect Classical Arabic (Blau 1997:
26 n.30).
[51] It seems likely that in LBHP:
/ṭ/ was pronounced as [tʼ] (pronunciation);
/ṣ/ as [sʼ]; and, /q/
as [kʼ] (see What was the Nature of the "Emphatic
Consonants" in EBHP?). However, for simplicity's sake,
I will use the following equivalences in my [EBHP] transcriptions:
/ṭ/ = [ṭ]; /ṣ/ = [ṣ]; and, /q/
= [q].
[52] From Morag 1988 -
In describing General Qumran
Hebrew (GQH)
as essentially a
continuation of Late Biblical
Hebrew (LBH), one would not do justice to
this type of Hebrew. Although some of the features examined in this article
constitute a continuation of LBH ... GQH as a whole possesses a number of
prominent grammatical traits that are not related to the fabric of LBH. These
traits probably represent a continuation of an old dialectal variation.... To
our mind, the impact of stress variation is evident... It is thus clear that
the proposition that GQH was a literary continuation of LBH can hardly be
sustained. Literary continuation as well as archaization are to be found in the
level of style-but typologically a language cannot be defined on the basis of
stylistic evidence. As observed above, in a number of its features GQH does
indeed continue LBH, but such a continuation need not necessarily be literary.
However, what we have attempted to stress is the weight that must be assigned
in defining the nature of GQH to those features that disclose no continuation
of LBH. These features of GQH are too numerous and to grammatically salient to
be assigned a secondary standing. Such phenomena as the contraction of the
final diphthong aw (feature no. 2), the dissimilation CC>nC (feature
no. 3), or the morphophonemic and morphological structures created by
variations in the stress patterns (features nos 5 and 6), are all to be ascribed
to phonological processes. Processes of this kind must, needless to say, come
into being in a living, spoken, language. It would be difficult to envisage
their coming into existence in a language whose character is literary. The same
holds good for the morphological features dealt with above: the long forms of
the pronouns (hw'h, hy'h: feature no. 7; the -mh ending of the
second person masculine plural in the perfect and in the suffixed pronouns:
feature no. 9). Such features, as well as several others that have not been
dealt with here, can in no way be regarded as having been originated in a
literary, archaizing, language, which had BH as its model of writing, or as
indicating a linear development of LBH. They are part and parcel of the
morphological structure of certain Hebrew dialects of the Qumran period.
[53] See Yadin et. al. 2002; Kutscher 1971a col. 1590; Encyclopaedia Judaica, IV, 237-238, 1971..
[54] A case can be made that the PTH reflex of the TH vocal wa /ә/ is not phonemic (cf. Gibson 1965 pp. 41-42). However, for clarity I will assume its phonemic status in PTH.
[55] It seems likely that in PTH: /ṭ/ was
pronounced as [tʼ]
(pronunciation);
/ṣ/ as [sʼ]; and, /q/
as [kʼ] (see What was the Nature of the "Emphatic
Consonants" in EBHP?). However, for simplicity's sake,
I will use the following equivalences in my [EBHP] transcriptions:
/ṭ/ = [ṭ]; /ṣ/ = [ṣ]; and, /q/
= [q].
[56] Blau 2010 §3.5.6.5.3. states -
It is clear that ḥaṭaf qamaṣ stands in phonemic
opposition to ḥaṭaf pataḥ/mobile wa (which,
according to Tiberian tradition, were pronounced identically)
See also Blau 1976/93 §3.5.
[57] It seems likely that in TH:
/ṭ/ was pronounced as [tʼ] (pronunciation);
/ṣ/ as [sʼ]; and, /q/
as [kʼ] (see What was the Nature of the "Emphatic
Consonants" in EBHP?). However, for simplicity's sake,
I willoccasionally use the following equivalences in my [EBHP] transcriptions:
/ṭ/ = [ṭ]; /ṣ/ = [ṣ]; and, /q/
= [q].
[59] See Qimron 1986; Kutscher 1971, Kutscher 1979, Sįenz-Badillos pp. 86-94; Manuel 1995 pp.
130-146.
[60] See Revell 1970 and 1970a; Morag 1972;
Sįenz-Badillos pp. 86-94; Manuel
1995 pp. 168-198; Harviainen 1977.
In most features this tradition is fairly close to the Tiberian - see Ben-Ḥayyim 1954. In the words
of Sįenz-Badillos (p. 90)
Revell ... argues that the Palestinian tradition represents a more
developed and, therefore, later form of language than the Tiberian, although
they share a common origin. In his view, the consistent (TH) use of different
graphemes for the a and e vowels is a feature of an earlier
period, which tended to disappear later on. Vowel changes within the
Palestinian system, according to Revell, correspond to processes known from a
less developed stage of the Tiberian tradition, and some times represent the
endpoint of a process begun there. The Tiberian tradition has adopted a
well-preserved, archaic, pronunciation, whereas the Palestinian is based on
'vulgar' biblical texts and expresses a less well-preserved form of the
language that has been more affected by outside influences and colloquialisms.
As a system of pointing, the Palestinian must have been created before, or in
isolation from, the Tiberian.
I
tend to agree with Revell on this. However, Sįenz-Badillos argues for the Palestinian pointing preceding the Tiberian Masoretic with
presumably shared origins at some point in the past.
[61] See Yeivin; Sįenz-Badillos pp. 94-105; Manuel
1995 pp. 199-225. In most
features this tradition is fairly close to the Tiberian - see Ben-Ḥayyim
1954. The pronunciation on which it is based must, of course,
have originated in Palestine but have undergone a long period of semi-isolated
development in southern Babylonia in a totally Eastern Aramaic speaking
environment.
[62] See most
importantly Janssens 1994 (re. Secunda) and
Knobloch 1995 (re. LXX), and their bibliographic references. See also Brųnno 1968
(re. Secunda).
[63] See Barr 1967 and the references in his footnotes; Harviainen 1977.
[64] Sįenz-Badillos pp. 80-86; Manuel 1995
pp. 130-167; Hoffman pp. 85-117; Ben-Ḥayyim
1954. As noted by Sįenz-Badillos (p. 80) - (n.b. bolding my own)
The numerous Greek and Latin
transcriptions of Hebrew names and other expressions, which date from the third century BCE to the fourth
century CE, undoubtedly provide first-hand information.... Because we know far
more about the phonology and pronunciation of Greek and Latin than of the
Semitic languages, these transcriptions represent an invaluable witness to the
Hebrew of this period. On the other hand, it has to be recognized as well that
there are considerable difficulties involved. In the first place, the phonology
of Greek and Latin is very different from that of Hebrew, and these languages
do not possess graphemes that can exactly represent the sounds of Hebrew. And
although we do not know what judgements were actually made when transcribing so
different a language, the authors of the transcriptions would certainly have
approached Hebrew from the phonological perspective of their own language. The
variation of place and time is also a problem, as we cannot simply accept that
BH, which had already ceased to be a living language, underwent a unified
development in places as diverse as Alexandria and Palestine. Neither do we know if the data afforded by the transcriptions correspond
to the standard, more or less official, pronunciation of Hebrew in this period
or to dialect or substandard forms. On top of all these
difficulties is the fact that the transcriptions have to be studied in
manuscripts that are frequently late and deffective, presenting many variants
ard corruptions in names that the copyists found completely alien.
[65] For details on the Samaritan traditions of Hebrew see Ben-Hayyim 2000.
For examples of the use of
BHSAM for the understanding of BH see Ben-Ḥayyim
1954. Short description Sįenz-Badillos §5.3. See also Brųnno 1968.
[66] See Ben-Hayyim 2000
sect. 1.2.
[67] For details on the Yemenite traditions of Hebrew see Morag 1963.
[68] See Morag 1963 chapt. 20.
[69] From The SBL Handbook of Style For Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Early
Christian Studies by Patrick H. Alexander,
Hendrickson Publishers, 1999 sect. 5.1.1.